South Africa And Its Ruling African National Congress Involved In A Big War

The plan to hijack the African National Congress by 2019 seems well advanced.

A massive propaganda campaign created the deception that it is ANC- and country president Jacob Zuma, who are corrupt and in that, allowed the state to be captured.

However, it is not Zuma, who is the actual target of the “counter revolutionaries”, their backers and their corporate mainstream media. There are forces both, on the inside and the outside of the ANC, hell-bent to reduce the movement to a mere second to the Democratic Alliance (DA) and its recently joined Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) in the forthcoming presidential- and national elections in 2019.

Will current ANC president Jacob Zuma and the ruling party whither the storm? Will the corporate media “stalwarts” in the movement muster a large enough constituency to counter the ANC branches nationally? Who will be the next ANC- and possibly the next country president in 2019?

It is evident that those, who launched the attack on President Zuma and the ANC, have no constituency outside the corporate media cartels, the academic political analysts, and the owners of the economy. This is the reason for them having requested to meet the ANC.

They already met with the ANC Secretary General Gwede Mantashe. He too has no constituency and knows it. But, the “stalwarts”, also known as “counter-revolutionaries”, would not admit to it. They also have realised that “Jacob Zuma’s constituency is too strong to be challenged”.

Senior ANC NEC insiders raised the questions, “Is the ANC SG, Mantashe, not also in the stable of Anglo American Corporation’s Anglo Gold Ashanti? Which hat does he actually wear? Cde. SG Mantashe (as he is also known within the ANC), will not deliver and will be out of the ANC top structure by the end of next year 2017. He is not a serious factor.”

The “counter-revolutionaries” assured their backers and the media that they will organise a strong constituency. But, they fail to explain, how they would build such constituency, despite their access to huge funds.

A senior and highly respected ANC NEC member explained to this writer under the condition of anonymity, “Two of those “stalwarts” are trying to organise constituencies for their group. Both attempt to get particular constituencies together, as they have realised that they would not be able to get to the ANC branches. One is Cde. Siphiwe Nyanda. He tries to mobilise the armed wing of the ANC’s Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK) against Cde. President Zuma and the ANC. This will be a serious struggle though. It is not a constituency they will be able to rely on.”

According to the reliably well-informed senior ANC NEC member, “It is not Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa, who could be the next ANC- and country president. It seems that he was guided not to talk, because it could jeopardise his position. The main candidate for ANC presidency from those “stalwarts”, or “counter revolutionaries”, is the Reverend Frank Chikane. At one stage he was a senior officer in recalled former President and recently installed UNISA Chancellor Thabo Mbeki’s office. But, the poor priest has no constituency at all, despite mobilising the masses against the ANC from the pulpit. Chikane is also part of the “counter revolutionaries’” Rivonia Branch in Johannesburg. If the ANC has not relented by May 2017, Frank Chikane will be out of the movement.”

“The “stalwarts’” third option to build their constituency is to resuscitate the long dead and buried “United Democratic Front” (UDF). Such destructive activities would be futile though. Recalled former President Thabo Mbeki’s men, Sipho Pityana, Sydney Mufamadi and Frank Chikane work closely together.”

“By alerting all ANC branches countrywide strengthened Jacob Zuma. It will be a big fight lasting well into 2017, involving all branches. Corporates too will play a vicious role, as they muscled in since the late 1970s and manipulate from the shadows to assist with hijacking the ruling ANC. But, the ruling party and its branches understand the efforts to destroy it. It is also described as “chequebooks power politics”.”

“Meanwhile, the ANC “renegades”, as the “stalwarts” are also known, would like Zuma to draw his hat and hand over his position and that of the rest of the ANC and government to them”, senior ANC cadres explained.

A seasoned ANC NEC member made his assumed prognosis:

“First, the inevitability is expected that heads will roll before the no-confidence vote in Parliament in February next year in 2017. President Zuma is expected to agree to that move. Those include all cabinet members, who turned against the head-of-state and commander-in-chief.”

“Second, the ANC will honour its decision to hold a policy conference in May 2017 to discuss the organisational issues during the first two days.”

“Third, the ANC will whither the storm against Parliament’s no-confidence motion, pushed for by the DA-EFF.”

“Fourth, it is critical that the ANC will succeed. The chances to come out unscathed are good, as the movement currently builds confidence throughout all branches.”

“Fifth, this time the ANC will have to get strong leadership to dismantle the colonial-apartheid institutes and infrastructure totally. The revered late ANC president Oliver Tambo insisted that the ANC would need “independent popular objectives”. Without those, it would be impossible to even think of economic changes in South Africa.”

“Sixth, it has become more important than ever before that state power and institutions have to be used to dictate terms to corporates. Agriculture and the land issue must be in their doing. Here is a perfect example, of how the EFF has hijacked the ANC’s policy debate.”

Finally, if the above-mentioned prognostic assumptions would come true, the ANC would win all the way; possibly receive over 66% of the national vote by 2019.

But, where would the ANC find those leaders to do just that?

“The neighbouring Southern African Development Community (SADC) would not be able to do anything, neither the rest of Africa and nor its African Union, unless the citadel of the “counter revolutionary forces” has been totally destroyed. So far, South Africa has let this region down. It is fact, if the ANC and South Africa are destroyed, particularly Britain and Germany would face serious economic trouble”, a senior ANC NEC member pointed out.

He added, “If South Africa and the ANC are strong, Africa’s and the world economies would be strengthened.”


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South Africa’s Ruling African National Congress Trapped

The owners of the economy, corporates, lobby groups, think tanks and their corporate mainstream media concocted a series of destructive strategies to ensure that particularly the African National Congress (ANC) would finally be reduced to a political party only second to the Democratic Alliance (DA)-Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) by 2019.

In the build-up to such a scenario, the image of the ruling ANC as well as its government was seriously tarnished. Character assassinations, similar to those meted out against Zimbabwe’s President Robert Mugabe, became the daily fodder for South Africa’s corporate media.

Traps, such as the “secret Sunset Clauses”; “state capture”; “corruption”; chequebooks politics setting up “blind trusts” for political leadership and judges, are part of it. At the same time, leaders were deliberately not vetted to proof their competency and loyalties.

An assessment of the current situation with all its flaws needs to be done.

Senior members of the ANC admitted to the wrongdoings. They pointed at factionalism, polarisation, a compromised leadership, double speak to mislead the majority of the population “to be able to continue serving their corporate lobbyists, also viewed as handlers”.

The question arises, “When was the ANC leadership captured and compromised?”

In the 1980s big business sent its elite and lobbyists as often as they perceived it necessary, to Lusaka, Zambia; Dar-es-Salaam, Tanzania; Luanda, Angola; London, United Kingdom; Washington, USA; Zurich, Switzerland; Bonn, Frankfurt and Munich in Germany; the Scandinavian countries and others. Was it not then already that the leadership was captured?

How free was the revered Nelson Mandela really when he was moved to ‘Victor Verster prison’ outside Paarl in the Western Cape?

By his own admission, the head of apartheid National Intelligence Services (NIS), Dr. Niel Barnard, influenced Mandela’s thinking of a “new South Africa under ANC rule”.

It became worse. There are those among the ANC leadership, who support the “secret Sunset Clauses” in private, which apartheid De Klerk and SACP Slovo brought to the negotiations in 1994. In public however, they deny their support of such secret agendas. Having met in secret with Big Business leaders; Boer academics, which fronted for a range of interests as well as the Urban Foundation, were ANC leaders not already captured by 1994?

The ANC failed to sensitize its members. When will that sun (of the secret Sunset Clauses) eventually set on South Africa? The contents of those secret clauses were never debated. The nation was thus, never taken along into the trust of the leadership. At the same time the majority was kept in the dark. Since the expiry date of those secret clauses, ANC members and the public in general were not informed. Why have the signed Sunset Clauses not been circulated among all ANC members, branches and the general public to be debated nationally?

The ANC was pushed into a corner at the CODESA negotiations in 1994. The grand apartheid planners and its international Western think tanks signed a much-hailed, neo-liberal constitution and its democracy.

And, this time grand-apartheid entered through the backdoor to stay, forming the constitution, through for example, “minority groups rights” and nine provinces bankrupting, dividing and unsettling South Africa further. “Minority groups’ rights” also protect structured poverty, as meted out at the poor indigenous majority. To date, that evil has not been addressed in public. It means, the public at large has been misled, as the ANC never fought for such.

The ANC further failed to set up its own think tank, its own research institute. Its media-platforms in exile, SECHABA, UMSEBEZI, DAWN and Radio Freedom were shut down on instruction of Thabo Mbeki. Why was this accepted? How could Mbeki wield so much power? Obviously, South Africa’s corporate mainstream media cartels do not have any African aspirations and interests at heart.

ANC followers had no further communication with its leaders. What was the role of certain leaders in doing such?

After the successful democratic elections, then President Nelson Mandela appointed his cabinet and support structures. But, there was no Minister of Finance and no Governor of the Reserve Bank for a number of years still. It seemed quite obvious, that both, the new Finance Minister, Trevor Manuel, as well as the new Governor of the Reserve Bank, Tito Mboweni, were not vetted by the ANC government when appointed, but by the established White elite outside the new rulers.

Until now, the ANC is not able to appoint anyone in the Treasury, or the Reserve Bank. Those positions seem to have always been vetted by invisible anti-ANC interests. As it stands, Johann Rupert seems to lead those forces in South Africa.

South Africa’s Independent National Treasury, which President Zuma failed to capture, as accused, sits with a 50% debt to GDP, a declining economy, close to recession. It is paying the highest interest rates under any circumstances. Why did National Treasury not increase economic growth? How could South Africa benefit from its National Treasury?

A well-known senior economist insists that the following questions should be answered to the best of Pravin Gordhan’s abilities, “Of the ZAR1trillion debt, National Treasury head, Gordhan, raised since he became Minister of Finance, what exactly was this amount applied to? To date, South Africa has not seen the money. Where is it going? Who is in charge? Who hoodwinks the nation? Why has no forensic audit been done on the National Treasury?”

Given the current economic situation, the debt, the over-politicizing of the Treasury, the factionalism of the ruling party, an independent National Treasury under Gordhan has failed South Africa.

No one asks the National Treasury any questions. Gordhan is a “bolombolo tiger”, created by public relations consultants, hopelessly over-inflated by the corporate mainstream media cartels. Under arrogant Gordhan, South Africans will be in for real grief. To date, no one asks Gordhan the mentioned hard questions, as well as why the Treasury is acting without any accountabilities.

Powerful Russian President Putin recently fired his Finance Minister when he discovered that his Minister had taken a bribe of US$2million.

Meanwhile, think tanks, such as the ‘Brenthurst Foundation’, the ‘Helen Suzman Foundation’ and the ‘Freedom under Law Foundation’, who have long-standing links with Zimbabwe’s MDC-T and its leader Morgan Tsvangirai, remain forces to be reckoned with. It seems, nothing goes without their approval. Add to the mentioned NGOs US-George Soros’ “Southern African Litigation Center (SALC)” and “Open Society Foundation”, they seem to form a “deep state”, undermining the South African state. This should be an additional national debate.

Another serious problem is patronage with government position-holders. It applies to the veterans as well as other stakeholders.

The recalled former ANC- and country president, Thabo Mbeki, was the architect of patronage, at the same time centralizing all powers under him to ensure the old status quo remains in place.

Those, who accepted the ‘patronage system’, enjoyed guaranteed positions in government. ANC stalwart, Joel Netshitenzhe, and many others had their positions secured. This ‘patronage system’ also made ANC members afraid to query the direction of Thabo Mbeki’s leadership. It amounted to intimidation. The descent within the ANC was oppressed.

The manipulation of using state agencies against one another was rooted in Mbeki’s term of office. It is interesting to observe that the very same “stalwarts”, currently questioning the state-of-affairs, perpetuated patronage under Mbeki.

The patronage system helped to identify and create “tenderpreneurs”. As some of the senior ANC NEC members told this writer under the condition of anonymity, “Mbeki’s faction benefited most from the patronage system. Those beneficiaries include Saki Macozoma, Smuts Ngoyama, Njali Majola, Bulelani Ngcuka and a few more. State patronage promoted corruption across the board and assured corruption on all levels, from national-, to provincial-, to municipal. Today, they are multi-millionaires.”

“In fact, “state captures” is not a new concept. We believe, the Guptas played the role of a decoy to deflect the focus to those who were actually captured. Who brought those Guptas to the ANC? What was Essop Pahad’s role? The mission is clear. It was done to destroy the ANC.”

“The Guptas were to infiltrate one of the factions”, the senior ANC NEC member pointed out. “Their mission was to establish the weakest link, which they seemed to have done.”

“If the ANC wants to reclaim its movement, it has to strictly ban corporate political funding across the board. Big business renders political leadership and its parties powerless. The corporates hijack all power to destroy whole countries, regions and continents for their own crude interests, as seems the case in Africa and the Mid East.”

“Under an ANC-led government, South Africa would have to move towards a ‘one-person, one-vote system’ in a ‘Constituent Assembly’. This is what the ANC fought for. It will return power to the people.”

Proportional representation shortchanges the electorate. It gives the party bosses more power than their own constituencies are worth. This is viewed as “fraudulently centralising power”. If this is not accepted, it could lead to the disintegration of the ANC into leaderless little groups and factions.”

It was also explained to this writer, “Joel Netshitenze’s suggestion of an electoral college for the ANC would guarantee the total capture of the movement. It borrows from the US, where only two political parties can be part of democracy, sponsored by Wall Street. Corporate interests would vet all political leaders and rule through them.”

Finally, in its own brutal assessment, the question, which should uphold the democratic principles, is a fair one. “No one has ever addressed recalled former president Mbeki’s loss of elections. Mbeki’s faction resigned and left with him. Neither Mbeki, nor any of his followers attend ANC meetings. Why did Joel Netshitenzhe, Sipho Pityana and Siphiwe Nyanda deliberately not address that issue? Who funds the ANC “stalwarts” for their public appearances?”

A sulking, yet arrogant Thabo Mbeki demonstrated dictatorial tendencies, but by no means a democratic leadership. The ANC groups, also known as “counter revolutionaries”, show dishonesty and selective thinking. END.


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How South Africa’s Economy Was Lost And Sold To The Highest Bidder

By Udo W. Froese: non-institutionalised, independent political- and socio-economic analyst and published columnist, based in Johannesburg, South Africa.

One of the center points at the Codesa negotiations focused on the new South Africa’s Ministry of Finance and the Reserve Bank. The incoming ANC-led government was conned out of the country’s finances from the onset.

The international West’s covert backers of apartheid South Africa and their lobbyists advised the ANC leadership during the Codesa negotiations, that South Africa is not ready for the cabinet position of the Minister of Finance. Nor is it ready to deliver the Governor of the Reserve Bank.

Why would those interests con the ANC team? Was it not to retain their own people in those positions? It also meant that the new, democratically elected ANC government would not be in charge of the government’s finances. The incoming ANC would certainly be disempowered.

Retired non-executive director of the South African Reserve Bank, Stephen Goodson, sums up the misleading advice the ANC received from so-called bank-experts, “Although the Freedom Charter of 26 June 1955 states that the banks and monopoly industry shall be transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole, this was obviously little more than rhetoric. The African National Congress was obliged to accept the existing financial paradigm, as they were unaware of any other alternative.”

Regarding the foreign Western and local apartheid interests in South and Southern Africa, Stephen Goodson had this to say, “Big business, led by Rothschild point men, Harry Oppenheimer and Anthony Rupert, provided the main impetus for installing a Black puppet government, as it would greatly enhance their markets both, locally and overseas and particularly, in Africa. One of the first acts of the ANC-led government was to reduce company taxation by a third and to permit large corporations to relocate their head offices and assets overseas.”

A case in point is the transfer of the diamond stockpile of DeBeers. During recalled, former president Thabo Mbeki’s reign and with the full assistance of the Mbeki government, DeBeers transferred its stockpile from South Africa to London. South Africa was left the poorer.

“The ANC was set up at Codesa. They thought the country was being handed over to them on a platter. But, they were in fact just being used by big corporate interests,” Goodson further explains.

All efforts were made to bully the ANC into submission. “There was a media perception that tribal violence was putting the ANC under pressure. But, the script had been planned years before by the ‘Council on Foreign Relations’ (CFR) and other similar organisations,” Goodson alleges, based on his research. The CFR is a Washington based think-tank and publisher.

In the years during the negotiations at Codesa, the violence in South Africa’s black living areas was viciously increased. The weekly newspaper, “Mail & Guardian (M&G)” described that urban warfare as “black-on-black violence”, quickly taken over as such by the entire media. Years later, apartheid super-spy Craig Williamson admitted at the “Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)”, that the apartheid Military Intelligence (MI) and its covert operations, Civil Cooperation Bureau (CCB), had orchestrated the urban warfare between the ANC and Inkatha.

Was the deal negotiated at Codesa then a non-deal in bad faith? Goodson sums it up, “The non-deal has created a situation of economic enslavement, which will persist way beyond 2022.”

“The banks continue to exploit the masses through usury and excessive taxation. The local cartel is an important cog of the international banking cartel.”

South Africa’s finance ministry seems to refuse to protect the nation against foreign meddling in the country’s finances and economy. The ratings agencies and their hit men are ever present, although they have yet to make their main strike (led by Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan) with the West’s International Monetary Fund (IMF) and its “restructuring plan”. The ratings agencies continue to wield undue influence with their often recklessly irresponsible assessments.”

Just like his predecessor, Trevor Manuel and the former Reserve Bank Governor Tito Mboweni, the unqualified Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan seems to have feet of smoldering ashes, not even clay. Is the incumbent resting his feet in criminal activities? Why did South Africa’s media and Gordhan’s network of backers attack the investigators, the NPA, when it investigated his activities?

Why is it conveniently overlooked that under Gordhan the West’s IMF will enter South Africa to dictate its “restructuring plan”? How would that affect South Africa’s BRICS membership?

Political analyst, Tshepo Kgadima, refers below to the following analysis of the ‘Financial Intelligence Centre Bill’, which was first published in ‘The New Age’ on 6 July 2016.

“A draconian bank bill might soon be signed into law, which would be equal to financial tyranny. The lack of awareness and publicity, the absence of public debate around the Financial Intelligence Centre Amendment Bill (FICAB) allows Gordhan to execute what he does with impunity.”

The FICAB provision terms “Risk Management and Compliance Programme”, transfers power and authority to pass punitive sanction such as closing of a bank account and/or termination of services, from a transparent independent judicial process into the hands of what is defined as accountable institutions, i.e. banks, insurers, auditors, lawyers.

Once, FICAB has been signed into law, there will be no fair reasoning between the banks and the account holders. In other words, people will be judged without any fair hearing. The majority of the population will have hardly any further access to capital, loans and other bank services.

If South Africans would be informed and able to participate in the debate about the banking cartel’s plans, structures and strategies, they would realise the frightening speed, “banking and financial institutions have gone ahead to profile and take punitive sanction of terminating services and closing bank accounts of clients using the new FICAB provisions.”

This draconian legislation will transfer absolute power and authority to the banking institutions, closing accounts of clients without transparent legal due process and recourse.

The above-mentioned is a form of financial anti-democratic destabilisation. In fact, FICAB would further lead to capital flight, attacks on the value of the Rand and massive bankruptcies.

Analysts and economists such as Tshepo Kgadima condemn the new FICA law as “financial tyranny and assault on the civil liberties, as enshrined in Chapter two of the Bill of Rights of the Constitution.”

It is hoped that President Zuma has been informed about the new FICAB bill and the suffering that FICAB would cause the majority of the population. It would be equal to rule of fear and terrorising the nation. Hopefully, President Zuma will not sign that draconian Amendment Bill into Law.

As a democratically elected head-of-state and commander-in-chief of the armed forces, it is President Zuma’s implicit duty to protect the nation. Local and foreign interests with their hidden agendas should not be able to dictate financial and economic policies.

In all fairness, it is important that the NPA investigates Gordhan and charges him. If the late, former President Nelson Mandela and the incumbent, President Jacob Zuma had their days in court, why should Gordhan not be tried? Is he above the law? The contrary is the case. He should be given the same space to defend, or hang himself. Is Gordhan immune to any investigations?

There are tens of thousands of highly qualified indigenous Black South Africans, who would be fit for Gordhan’s job. They are advocates, engineers, chartered accountants and scientists. What is Gordhan’s financial background? Who makes up his lobby group, guiding and protecting him? On whose authority is appointed Gordhan acting with impunity?

Why does it seem impossible for the ANC-led government to appoint a qualified finance minister outside the corporate banking cartel and its lobby groups, who understands the world of finance?

A solution could be to appoint a focused and respected financial guru, who would stay away from the West’s Bretton Woods Institutions. South Africa is a member of BRICS. The new minister of finance has to work with BRICS. A new finance minister would have to assist to decolonize South Africa and the SADC.


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South Africa’s African National Congress (ANC) and President Zuma Rule Despite Relentless Attacks From Corporate Platforms

South Africa’s owners of the economy, academia, media and heads of civil society circulated before the ruling ANC’s National Executive Committee meeting this weekend, starting on May 27, 2016, that its president and head-of-state, Jacob G. Zuma, would be asked on Sunday, May 29, 2016, to step down immediately.

This will however, not happen. President Zuma will finish his term of office when the next elective ANC Conference in December 2017 takes place. Zuma being recalled, or pushed out of his position and the ANC, is not likely to be part of the ANC NEC agenda this weekend.

The above-mentioned have gone out of their ways to force President Zuma’s early retirement from office, building their attempts of character assassinating him up to the ANC NEC’s gathering this weekend. But, all their efforts to sink President Zuma and collapse the ANC will come to nothing, as those capitalist forces do not understand the movement and its history.

Meanwhile, the forthcoming local government elections are under threat of being hijacked. At worst, this could lead to a split of the ruling ANC.

All political parties campaign for as many votes, as they can muster, be it local government elections, or presidential and national elections. It is common practice that the contesting parties usually have their respective presidents’ faces as the face of the party.

A leading member of the ruling ANC in the local government explained, “The Gauteng Province’s ANC MEC for Human Settlement, Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, Mr. Paul Mashathile, plans to have his face copied on to the ballot papers in stead of that of the ANC president. But, President Zuma is still the president of the ANC, head-of-state and commander-in-chief of the armed forces of South Africa. Nonetheless, Mashathile wants this matter to be debated at the ANC NEC’s gathering over this weekend.”

“It would mean that Mashathile attempts to split the ANC into two, with the Democratic Alliance (DA) thus capturing some of the metros in the Gauteng province. Would the ANC NEC have the courage to fire Mashathile at this weekend’s NEC gathering will be seen by Sunday, May 29, 2016? Mashathile clearly works outside the ANC’s framework.”

They observe that State Security Minister David Mahlabo seems to be doing a good job. Particularly his analysis of the threats South Africa is currently debated. There are about 453 foreign non-governmental organisations (NGOs) and additional foreign foundations operating in South Africa. Some 68 NGOs are being registered daily in this country.

At the same time there are “service delivery unrests”, students’ protests and unemployment. A restless youth has been infiltrated and has become the catchment area for opportunistic political anarchists and anti-democrats. They instigate destabilisation and threaten civil war.

It is important to repeat what State Security Minister David Mahlobo observed regarding political and other destabilisation efforts that require “a deep understanding of the actors and tactics involved”:

“State and non-state actors are hard at work in certain parts of the globe, using various role-players to promote their agendas while undermining the national security of various countries. These actors are in the mass (corporate) media, non-governmental and community based organisations, foreign multi-national companies, funders of opposition, religious and student organisations, prominent and influential persons running covert intelligence networks to destabilise other countries, who do not share a similar view as them.”

The role of highly skilled intelligence officers has been raised, as former Mbokodo operatives express their fears: “If covert forces can bring down a president, a head-of-state and commander-in-chief of the armed forces, ANC operatives in South Africa would be compromised. They would be vigorously pursued. Those covert forces would stop at nothing, using every possible means to hunt them down.”

“Those elements have created a type of war with hidden forces using elements across the board, including law enforcement”, they say.

This situation would spin out of control. A colour revolution focusing on total destablisation and regime change would be the result.

“Those enemy agents have infiltrated many levels of government, the ruling party, the judiciary, the armed forces and the police services as well as environmental affairs and other departments. They recruited young people and infiltrated them into environmental affairs to destroy the development of the country. At the moment some of those criminals are dormant. Even the US’s Donald Trump attacked America’s environmental affairs for allowing those criminals for hampering development”, senior Mbokodo operatives pointed out.

“Retired Minister of Intelligence of South Africa, Ronnie Kasrils, took over a working ministry. When he left, his former ministry was about to collapse. In whose interest would Kasrils allow the Intelligence Ministry to collapse?”

Corporatists attempted in their arrogant, heavy-handed way to dictate, who should be South Africa’s minister of finance and who shouldn’t.

The Minister in the President’s Office, Minister Jeff Radebe re-confirmed what Pinky Khoabane documented and Johan Rupert denied.

According to the minister’s confirmation and the mentioned records, Radebe and ANC Treasurer General Dr. Zweli Mkhize met with Neil Coleman of Goldman Sachs, Martin Kingston of Rothschilds, Maria Ramos of Barclays Bank and Bobby Godsell of ‘Leadership South Africa’ to discuss President Jacob Zuma’s appointment of David van Rooyen as the new minister of finance. The group then strongly recommended that their friend and former minister of finance, Pravin Gordhan, should occupy that position.

The South African Revenue Services (SARS) however, seemed to be a thorn in Gordhan’s flesh, as a “rogue unit” had been created under his watch. It has been repeatedly asked, what was the reason for the creation of a “rogue unit”. “It is an unlawful unit, an act of crime, as it is an assault on civil liberties”, former deputy finance minister Jabu Moleketi explained.

Senior ANC NEC members and observers in the financial industry are quite sure, that Gordhan will not survive the above-mentioned criminal scandal. According to those senior members, it is well known that Gordhan has always punched above his weight.

They are also critical of the country having its banknotes printed in Munich, Germany, as it means that South Africa gave up its national sovereignty.

Finally, it seems that the ANC NEC, including the leadership from Kwa-Zulu will support its Jacob Zuma and will see to it that he will serve his full second term as president of the Republic of South Africa.

Corporates Play Dirty Political Games Of Regime Change In Southern Africa (Part 2)

A media- and private sector rave of epic proportions exploded in South Africa, as the so-called “Gupta-Gate” became the talk of the town.

Let us unpack some of the corporate dirty tricks and current affairs developments in pre-election South Africa in 2016, where the anti-BRICS owners of the oligopolistic economy seem to collude to bring down the ruling ANC.

Is there a build-up to a so-called “colour revolution”?

Former senior ANC- and government members, including recalled president Thabo Mbeki and brothers Essop and Aziz Pahad, brought in the foreign Gupta family, who stood accused of brazenly meddling in national politics, although foreigners with no political background whatsoever.

The initially poverty stricken Guptas were given special status and received many a big government tender. They became affluent and influential. The Guptas seemed to grow close to South Africa’s first family. Exactly that seemed to be the task of the Guptas. As the media enthusiastically published the wheeling and dealing of the Guptas in South Africa, it opened a can of worms. All affected parties showed their interest. Big business took the lead investigating those Guptas.

It seemed a serious trap for South Africa’s president and his family had been set up. Will the Guptas be charged for attempting to corrupt with the aim to topple the state? If they would be found guilty, they could receive a 25-year jail term. They least the Guptas would get is that their South African citizenship and passports would be revoked and they would be evicted. This could happen over-night.

With the private sector’s new dynasties including the Guptas, the Motsepes, the first phase of Black Economic Empowerment component had been put in place. What they have in common is to be well connected with senior leaders of the ANC and in cabinet. It means, the hostile private sector put itself into the position of controlling government. An unsympathetic academia and media have a field day attempting to compromise and collapse the ANC.

Was it not former apartheid foreign minister Pik Botha and his Bantustan president Lucas Mangope who introduced the unknown Motsepe family to the ANC as their business conduits?

Business leaders chose to be selective. Neither the political opposition, nor the media, academia, civil society re-opened the investigation and debate on the ownership of the economy.

Does Johann Rupert want to prescribe to the head-of-state and commander-in-chief of the armed forces, who should be in his cabinet and who not and how they should manage South Africa? Or, does Rupert harbour presidential ambitions?

The silence of the Oppenheimers, Ruperts, Gordons, Kirschs, Searles, Ackermans, Venters, Wessels, Kerzner, Kossef and many other captains-of-industry is thunderous. The old saying, “people in glass houses should not throw stones”, would seem to apply here.

When president Jacob Zuma pointed out, that indigenous black-Africans only own 3% of the shares of the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE), the media attacked him from their front pages, condoning that serious imbalance.

It is well known that the majority of the owners of the economy do not even reside in South Africa. It seems that those plunder-barons however, feel entitled to the resources, the cheap labor and the collapse of the sovereign currency in order to be able to pay even lower US-Dollar wages, while the Rand hovers around R16 per 1US$. Foreign ratings agencies Standard & Poor and Moody’s are hard at work to destroy the Rand.

The Rand Commission in its investigation of the collapse of the Rand in 2001 published the names of those who assisted the outflow of capital from South Africa, which caused the fall of the sovereign currency without many consequences for the culprits though.

Indeed, the collapse of a currency is not always determined by normal trade developments. Powerful, influential and globally networked corporates and their economic hit men take conscious decisions. A racist approach to the economy drives their motives. It is Afropessimism at its worst.

Author John Perkins defines “economic hit men” in his book, “The New Confessions of an Economic Hit Man – the shocking inside story of how America really took over the world.”

“Economic Hit Men are highly paid professionals who cheat countries around the globe out of trillions of Dollars. Their tools include fraudulent financial reports, rigged elections, payoffs, extortion, sex and murder.” By his own admission, Perkins was an Economic Hit Man and bases his researched book also on personal experience.

So far, neither media, nor the judiciary, nor academia, nor civil society has demanded to publish the Rand Commission’s findings on the assault of the Rand. Why are there no consequences from the revelations of the Rand Commission applied for all to see to those, who committed that treasonous crime?


Anti-BRICS Private Sector Is Geo-Political Engineer Of South Africa’s Downfall

South Africa’s president Jacob Zuma, deputy president Cyril Ramaphosa and the ruling African National Congress are made out to be a party of cronies, gatekeepers and rentseekers, consisting of filthily corrupt individuals.

Yet, if one takes just a small peep into the private sector, which promotes itself as paragons of virtue, they are the nexus of evil and the source of all corruption and theft in South Africa’s political economy.

Corruption in government only exists because of private sector corruptors. Whether it is the construction industry; the bakeries and dairies; the banks; or the mines; the motorcar manufacturing and distribution industries and the automotive and tyre manufacturers; or agriculture, the truck and transport industries – South Africa’s economy is not a “free market economy”. It is a hostile, exclusive cartelised oligopolistic and rent-seeking economy, based on unmitigated avarice and crony capitalism. Their lobbyists, or influence peddlers will stop at nothing to deliver what they have been set out to do. This has bred laziness and an attitude of entitlement since 1994.

A sociologist, John Dewey, recorded, “Politics is a shadow cast on society by big business.”

A Tory MP observed, “A little hush money can do a lot of talking.”

Just recently, senior SWAPO Party and government members in Windhoek, Namibia, observed, “Ever since Namibia became independent from colonial-apartheid South Africa on 21 March 1990 with SWAPO having won the elections, our party rallies and our national events have been ignored by the whites living in this country. Yet, when the SWAPO-led government issues tenders, most of the people present then are Caucasians. In reality, there are two Namibia’s, one poor black majority and one well-to-do white minority.”

And in South Africa, economic history will be made within the next twelve months, or so. A host of minorities will take class action against Investec Bank and KPMG. It will also provide unparalleled insights into the events that led up to Brett Kebble’s murder.

Author and journalist Barry Sergeant provides a factual expose of theft and fraud around murdered Brett Kebble, Investec Bank, KPMG, JCI, Randgold, Western Areas and Harmony Gold mines and their shareholders. His book, “The Kebble Collusion – 10 Fateful Days in a R26 Billion Fraud”, gives a factual insight into the dealings of South Africa’s private sector.

So does Sergeant’s book, “The Assault on the Rand – Kevin Wakeford And The Battle To Save A Currency.”

Both above books expose the private sector’s white-collar-crime amounting to billions of Rand with little and intricate legal action taken to bankrupt those, who dare challenge such crime in court. This however, is just the tip of the iceberg.

The media on the other hand, will underreport this matter. It is not in the owners’ interest to reveal fraud and theft of ZAR26 billion committed by the owners of a bank and auditing firm.

The rightwing fascist, racist opposition in South Africa’s parliament plays to the public gallery on live television, attacking the ruling party, the president and his deputy in the most infantile manner. It also relies on media-, academic-, judicial- and big business platforms to confuse and stir up the emotions of the electorate. It further serves the tactic to divide the president from his deputy and the ANC.

South Africa has succumbed to a ‘capitalist democracy’ based on ‘crony capitalism’ where a handpicked miniscule black middleclass, consisting of indigenous Africans and Indians, benefit on the back of the black masses.

By observing the historic owners of the country’s economy, it has become clear that they continuously harass the state in an attempt to discredit and create national disrespect, followed by anarchy among the masses. They work as architects-of-apartheid who hide behind the constitution and the rule-of-law. Many of South Africa’s laws as followed today have an apartheid history.

Are all those nebulous and abusive efforts attempting to prepare the grounds for a coup d’état and a regime change?

In all emerging democracies corrections will have to take place.

Joe Slovo and FW de Klerk’s secret “Sunset Clauses”; the hidden agenda of the “Demarcation Board”; the intentional and deliberate compromising of senior strategic key personnel and a high level of inefficiency have put rulers into a straightjacket.

The judiciary as well as the rule-of-law, media-ownership and the role of the owners of the economy in South Africa’s capitalist-political landscape will have to be revisited. A decisive political will has to take the necessary steps to correct the above-mentioned.

What led to the hidden rightwing fascist agenda to bare its teeth the way it does? Who sits in the think-tank and manipulates from the shadows? When did history come to delay?

The turning point came in Polokwane, Limpopo Province in December 2007. Recalled Thabo Mbeki was president then. He and his inner circle used every dirty trick in the book; the full might of the state, the academia and the media to assure his “third term” in office. But, it did not work out.

The tide had turned against Mbeki and his strategy to destroy the ANC from within. Hardly anyone in his inner circle had the interests of the ANC, or of South Africa at heart. The recalled, former president tried to rush his hidden strategy through. This included to first get rid of his challenger, Jacob Zuma, as he would stand in his way.

The second strategic move was to make the unknown, unelected and challenged Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka the next president. This would have meant that those in the shadows behind Mbeki would have succeeded hijacking and destroying the ANC.

Mbeki’s network included Phumzile’s husband; former head of the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) Bulelani Ngcuka; Leonard McCarthy; and various retired ministers and premiers such as Tokyo Sexwale; Mosiuoa Lekota; Ronnie Kasrils; Paul Mashathile; Jabu Molekethi and his wife, Geraldine Fraser-Molekethi; Sydney Mufamadi, Saki Macozoma, Reuel Khoza, Mzi Kumalo, Barney Pityana, to name a few.

Bulelani Ngcuka, heading the NPA under Mbeki, called Leonard McCarthy, then head of the Directorate of Special Operations (Scorpions), now vice president of the World Bank Group for integrity, when the ANC Conference in Polokwane showed its support for Zuma, saying, “The game is over.” McCarthy was known as “Mbeki’s man from hell” who is “economic with the truth.”

As the ruling party’s branches had been neglected by not being paid and being isolated, Thabo Mbeki ruthlessly centralised power under him, strengthening his position as ANC- and country president. Cloak and dagger tactics had become the order of the day. But, Mbeki’s men in the shadows misread the situation. Their shenanigans eventually cost Mbeki his support and brought his downfall.

Mbeki’s dealings backed by his inner circle, the state’s intelligence at that time and the media, set their plans to destroy and control the ruling party back by at least ten years. It is in that context that the rightwing racist-fascist forces and their paid agents in the opposing political front as explained above, turned their anger and frustration against ANC- and country president Jacob Zuma, deputy president Cyril Ramaphosa and the ANC. History had come to delay.

A damningly realistic message is and always will be – Western imperialist Judea-Christian civilisation is a different mindset, a different un-African thinking and a different approach to life. The imperialist West’s history of genocides, mass killings, exploitation and manipulation with no respect for human life, tradition and culture, of an immoral and unscrupulous media, should have shown the West that it is the last to preach morals and ethics.

South Africa’s Cope Project – what is the reality? This is the other analysis.

From Udo W. Froese in Johannesburg, South Africa.

South Africa’s recalled former president Thabo Mbeki was at one stage openly accused to be the mastermind behind the split of the ruling African National Congress (ANC), which led to the formation of the troubled Congress of the People (COPE).

The Pre-amble.

All Mbeki’s men and women, who had failed dismally to garner enough support at the ANC Congress in South Africa’s Limpopo Province’s capital, Polokwane, to retain their positions, including former president Mbeki, founded COPE, shortly after the stormy December 2007 Congress.

Mbeki’s deputy president, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, and one of his senior ministers, Alec Erwin, endorsed the breakaway. Deputy president Mlambo-Ngcuka has no struggle credentials and no history in the ANC.

The naming of this splinter project “Congress of the People” was contested in a court of law, as the ruling party maintained that the historic name belonged to the ANC. COPE was accused of committing plagiarism. But, an un-understanding and uninformed judge ruled in favour of COPE, who is thus legally able to keep that name.

Most senior ANC insiders confirmed in private conversation, former ANC Youth League leader and South Africa’s current deputy minister of police, Fikile Mbalula’s accusation, that COPE is recalled Thabo Mbeki’s brainchild. They go as far as confirming that Mbeki was the kingpin in the formation of COPE as a split- away from the ANC.

Fikile Mbalula wrote in an open letter published in the South African based media, “Thabo Mbeki failed the nation so badly such that the chain of events over the last nine years (pre-Polokwane Congress in December 2007) landed us in the position we find ourselves in today.”

Julius Malema, current ANCYL president, had publicly urged his party to recall Mbeki and also accused him of being the mastermind behind the formation of COPE.

When COPE then put a clergyman – Bishop Dandala – forward as its president, the ANCYL publicly announced, “COPE’s [Bishop] Dandala is only a hired leader.” This seems clearer now. Dandala stepped out of the political party arena and is not heard of any longer.

In the following national elections in April 2009, the majority of South Africa’s population overwhelmingly voted for the ANC led by president Jacob Zuma and his supporters at the Limpopo Congress.

Mbeki and his inner circle found themselves in the political wilderness, ridiculed and rejected by all and sundry.

The COPE Debacle.

Today, the Congress of the People (COPE) seems to be going for broke. It would not be surprising if COPE, like the miniscule opposition party in the Western Cape Province, the Independent Democrats (ID) under a certain Patricia de Lille (former PAC senior member, also associated with the Helen Suzman Foundation), would be a foreign project to be added to the country’s political landscape, creating “checks and balances” in order to chip away from the mighty ANC.

COPE’s senior members side with the embattled president of the party, Mosioua ‘Terror’ Lekota. Those include Mluleki George, Philip Dexter, Thosamile Botha and others. All of them have an ANC, COSATU and SACP background. This however, seems to count against them. They would most likely, find themselves cast out of COPE. And, while fighting back, Lekota seems to be on his hind legs now.

COPE focuses rather on a new generation of “qualified and educated” younger people with no struggle credentials whatsoever in its leadership structures. This elitist approach would exclude the broader population and therefore, be undemocratic.

Lekota, similar to his Kenyan colleague, Raila Odinga from the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), is robust and unafraid to attack from a public platform.

But, Lekota does not seem to be part of the inner circle. This means, it would be easy to sacrifice him.

Like Odinga, Lekota was the midwife, who delivered the new political party. Unlike Odinga, Lekota does not seem to survive the attack from co-leader Mbazima Shilowa, former Gauteng Provincial Premier, hailing from a trade union background.

Shilowa is married to an influential and well-heeled businesswoman, Wendy Lohabe. She too has no struggle credentials and was not even a member of the ANC.

Shilowa is also a business partner of the ANC head for the Gauteng Province, Paul Mashatile, who currently serves as deputy minister of tourism. Mashatile recently won the ANC provincial elections, which confirmed his provincial power. Shilowa is the deputy leader of COPE and opposes Lekota.

Well-informed sources point out that as soon as Lekota and his support base mentioned above have been dealt with and have left COPE, the party would be revived and become seriously cash-flush.

COPE, like Namibia’s RDP-CoD-RP-DTA, like Kenya’s ODM, like Zimbabwe’s MDCs, like Mozambique’s RENAMO and Angola’s UNITA represent certain interests in the SADC region. Those interests are neither necessarily southern African, nor African but foreign.

Media voyeurism and national as well as regional speculations will have no influence. It wouldn’t make much of a difference, despite the media’s obvious all- out backing of Mbazima Shilowa, Paul Mashatile, and Tokyo Sexwale, at the same time ridiculing president Jacob Zuma.

Meanwhile, a fight-back campaign against president Jacob Zuma and his support base within the ANC seems to be raising its head. Those, who remained in the ANC after the ‘Polokwane Congress’ and have not crossed over to COPE, have re-grouped and strengthened their positions within the ruling party.

Those allegedly include some senior members of the ANC’s National Executive Committee (NEC) and possibly some members of the cabinet. It was important for them that Paul Mashatile would not only retain his position as Gauteng Provincial Head of the ANC, but also to gather large support.

It is well known that at least five senior politicians have presidential ambitions. Their party colleagues, insiders, media editors and their analysts mentioned the likes of the Minister for Human Settlements, Tokyo Sexwale; COSATU Secretary General, Zwelinzima Vavi; ANC Treasurer, Mathews Phosa; SACP Secretary General, Blade Nzimande and businessman Cyril Ramaphosa as hopeful future presidents of South Africa, preparing for elections in 2014.

Putting above mentioned into context, this would mean that the onslaught to destroy South Africa’s ruling party is coordinated and structured from both, outside (efforts such as COPE and the media) and from within (the re-grouped losers from the ANC Congress in Polokwane in December 2007 and the media).

The bigger picture however is an all too well known one, often viewed as Africa’s curse. It is all about the strategic resources in South Africa and sub-Saharan Africa and the control thereof. Everything else is just noise, even the very public political power wrangling of its high-profile politicians.