Things are not all, as they seem in Zimbabwe today. As everywhere else in the world, five minutes in politics is long, so too it seems in Zimbabwe.
An ambitious and impatient rush to take over State House seems to have been ignited after President Robert Mugabe’s visit to Beijing. Informed sources reported that China’s President Xi Jinping tried to establish from his Zimbabwean counterpart, who his successor would be.
According to reliable sources in Harare, it seemed that the Chinese head-of-state could not accept a West-leaning successor in Zimbabwe. That means that a pro-West First Vice President to the incumbent could alienate Zimbabwe from China at a critical time, when Zimbabwe needs serious foreign capital injections. It seemed then that the longevity of the pro-Western First Vice President had come to an end.
But, the music was not over until the fat lady had sung. A senior ZANU-PF member pointed out to this writer under the condition of anonymity, “A new obstacle was set up. It is the “Generation 40”, or “G40”. Senior ZANU-PF stalwart Prof. Jonathan Moyo coined that term. Moyo argued, neither government, nor the ruling party, ZANU-PF, can continue with the principle that only those, who went to war for Zimbabwe’s independence from colonial occupation will rule.”
To expect that only those, who went to war for the freedom of Zimbabwe, are the ones to be considered for the presidency is undemocratic.
Today, the numbers of Zimbabwe’s majority are eighteen and above and thus, could not have gone to war. They are too young. The war ended in 1979/80, some 35 years ago. Point is, for someone to say that only war veterans should be able to participate to rule Zimbabwe, will set Zimbabwe back by thirty years and would therefore, be anti-Zimbabwe.
In other words, the current noisemakers in Zimbabwe should contest in the forthcoming elections. It is simple, if people are disgruntled, they can correct it at the ballot box.
“It was when First Vice President Emerson Mnangagwa and his faction in ZANU-PF believed that the road to State House had finally been cleared, Professor Jonathan Moyo, Minister of Higher Education; Saviour Kasukuwere, Minister of Local Government and President Mugabe’s nephew, Patrick Zhuwawo, Minister of Empowerment, teamed up against this new group.”
One local observer in Harare explained, “There is a certain reasoning among senior ZANU-PF leaders and politburo members that Jonathan Moyo cannot be trusted, as he could destroy ZANU-PF from within. It could be viewed as a response to the Gukurahundi bush war of the early 1980s.”
An additional point was raised, “Professor Moyo was fired from cabinet and the ruling party in 2004, because he led a faction then, propping up Emerson Mnangagwa for the presidency. Moyo was not happy that Mnangagwa did not defend him, when he was booted out of the ruling party.”
Professor Moyo’s anti-Mugabe move at Tsholotso is public knowledge and is of the past. Not everyone in ZANU-PF is an angel. But, it is in the past and the past is no secret.
Meanwhile, a notion that the First Vice President and acting Minister of Justice, Emerson Mnangagwa, fronts for foreign British interests seems new. Why would Mnangagwa announce, he has protected white farmers against land-indigenization?
Would there be any influence from outside? It was mentioned, it would indeed be difficult to run with Joyce Mujuru, as she needs a lot of weight in her newly formed political party to be able to make an impact. There is no love lost between Mujuru and Mnangagwa. In her own words to ‘The Standard’, “I have no advice that I would give him.”
Interesting analytical scenarios have come out since last Saturday, February 13, 2016, after First Lady Grace Mugabe’s exposure of Emerson Mnangagwa. According to those scenarios, the President has chosen his successor – Emerson Mnangagwa. Those working against Mnangagwa allegedly are however, not aware of it. On the other hand, it is believed that the G40 have now gained the upper hand with the support of the First Lady, Grace Mugabe and ultimately, with that of the president.
It is confidently expressed, “Once the aforementioned has been solved and settled, there will be no room for further factionalism.”
Observing the unfolding of the public spats, it seems that all the aforementioned are shadow boxing, as one of the respected elder politicians observed, “Those we see are not the protagonists. They are fighting for someone else.”
To talk about a so-called regime change, is absurd. If one can confidently state that the First Lady is attacking President Mugabe, than that would be a “regime change”. However, she lives in the same residence and travels in the same car with the president. Grace Mugabe talks to her husband, hears and sees what he needs and wants. They are not quarrelling. How could anyone claim this public fight between Mnangagwa and the G40 is a “regime change”?”
In other words, it could be someone else, but the president’s wife. If there is a conspiracy for a coup, it too is not a “regime change”. This is nonsensical. If there is a serious fight between the G40 and Mnangagwa’s group, a “regime change” could make sense. But to say, a “regime change” means that there is only one group fighting for it is nonsensical. The G40 is in power and therefore, no part of any “regime change”.
As the old guard has done its bid on literally all levels – including in education, indigenization, gender politics, equal rights – the most important question is now, who is the best person to lead Zimbabwe into the future to enhance the requirements of their country? The answer should include the person who would lead Zimbabwe into the future. The argument of who leads whichever faction is indeed immaterial.
My twitter handle: @theotherafrika