South Africa Today, The Script Unfolds …

South Africa’s recent election outcome with the ruling African National Congress (ANC) having lost hundreds of thousands of votes came and went as no surprise.

One of the major reasons seems to be, as repeatedly documented; the ANC has become insensitive to the poor majority and has to urgently redefine itself.

moneyIt will have to act on, for example, the e-tolls system and do away with rightwing policies forthwith. In fact, the ANC and its government will not get away without a high-quality, effective and efficient intelligence force, a force similar to that of Zimbabwe. ESKOM, Rand Water and the Traffic Departments are all in serious need of honest, hands-on management. Outsourcing has become a swear word and should be treated as such, because it is one of the roots of corruption.

About thirty years ago a group of well-qualified senior ANC intelligence officers read the strategy of the racist-apartheid Nationalist Party (NP) regime then, which was fully backed by the international West.

A small group of senior ANC NEC members explained under the condition of anonymity, “The White NP regime together with the owners of the economy collaborated as ‘architects-of-apartheid’. Their strategy was to unban the ANC, SACP, PAC, Cosatu and all its affiliates, to put together a multi-party democracy, as they had done in the late 1970s in occupied Namibia. Their “democratic model” would be a two-tier system, similar to the old Roman structures.”

“Their two-tier system would include a host of strategic structures such as the NP’s “regional governments”; the Progressive Federal Party (PFP)-Democratic Alliance (DA) “federal system”, which mischievous armchair academics describe as a “Swiss Canton model”; the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) called it the “con-federal system” with the IFP ruling KwaZulu-Natal on its own and the apartheid-Homeland leaders like general Bantu Holomisa and Lucas Mangope, who would call that system ”Bantustans.”

“The above would leave the ANC, SACP, SACTU, COSATU on the outskirts of the corridors of government.”

Like SWAPO Party in Namibia, who was strongly against South Africa’s NP regime’s dictate with its huge host of 149 political parties then, competing against incoming SWAPO, the ANC intelligence officers and strategists were directly opposed against a similar strategy for South Africa.”

“Whittling down support of both liberation movements would create inflated and hugely expensive provincial governments with nine ministers and their staff complement for as many portfolios. This strategy would lead to ‘consumption expenditure’ instead of ‘infrastructural development expenditure’, this writer was told.

As it is today, the treasury pays 55% of the annual national budget towards the nine provincial administrations. If only a two-third majority in parliament would allow the number of provinces to be reduced to four, maximum five provinces, then central government and its treasury would simply have to cut its budget for the provinces.

The ANC team of strategists and intelligence officers also warned that the Western Cape would be won by an apartheid-colonial NP-alliance. That structure would establish a corridor through to the Free State Province and its capitol, Bloemfontein. The Gauteng Province would fall to the same DA conglomerate by 2019. Will the Gauteng Province ever return to the ANC mold again?

In above context, it is small wonder that ANC strategists and intelligence officers were not at all surprised at the Local Government elections outcome. In fact, the late Chris Hani did not support the regional government system in any way.

As revealed to this writer, “During the Codesa negotiations in 1994 the international West had forced the ANC team to adopt the secret “Sunset Clauses”, as developed by FW de Klerk and Joe Slovo. The alternative was that the racist-apartheid regime threatened, it would kill millions of native African South Africans in their townships by dropping nuclear devices on them.”

The same ANC intelligence officers further warned against “Chris Hani being murdered, as he stood in the way of the covert plotters. The enemy’s covert operations were to kill Hani, as he was intelligent and not corruptible. He understood the enemy tactics too well, including those of certain suspicious ANC leaders and insiders”, this commentator was told.

“The above-mentioned report included that covert operations would follow Hani’s murder up by character assassinating Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma. Both were described as easy targets, as one had a drinking problem and the other a problem with women and money. Such character assassinations could lead to self-destruction. The ANC intelligence had warned the movement about such nefarious activities some thirty years ago.”

Recalled Thabo Mbeki met the EFF leaders on the eve of the elections. He also did not attend any of the ‘star rallies’ of his ruling party and avoided to go onto the campaign trail. When interviewed whom he would vote for, if, he expressed his abhorrence over corruption. Mbeki hinted about his vote and said, “The electorate would have to follow its conscience.” Did it not actually send a message to the ANC members not to vote?

The revered, late ANC President in exile, Oliver Reginald Tambo, maintained that no living being would be stronger than the ANC.

The late ANC and country president, Nelson Mandela, is on record having said in 1993 before he was elected as president of a new South Africa, “If people relax their vigilance, they will find their sacrifices have been in vain. If the ANC does not deliver the goods, the people must do to it what they have done to the apartheid regime … “

What is it that both above-mentioned leaders knew then already, that the rest of the leadership and its voters have not been exposed to?

Internationally renowned researcher, author and journalist, professor John Pilger commented, “The economic ‘growth’, which Nelson Mandela applauds, was once described by Joseph Schumpeter, the doyen of Harvard economists, as ‘creative destruction’.”

South African businessman, Mzi Khumalo, comments, “Three ways the White minority has outsmarted the native black majority in the democracy numbers game are:

  • They concentrated their numbers into the Western Cape and secured themselves a dominion. (This is similar to Namibia’s secessionists of the Caprivi Strip, which was argued and punished as “high treason”, this writer.)
  • They follow the divide and conquer strategy by promoting the EFF through the corporate mainstream media cartels and fund it to dilute the impact of Black unity.
  • They then convinced ANC voters that (president) Zuma is unacceptable to vote for, while convincing their most racist voters to vote for the DA, even if their leader is Black.”

“It’s not the ANC, who must smell the coffee, because they will loose power. It’s the Black voter who must smell the coffee, or loose political expression”, Mzi Khumalo explains.

Have power; patronage, resources and subsequent arrogance destroyed the ANC elite?

Have the academic and corporate mainstream media cartels’ propaganda war waged against the ANC, eventually contributed to the ANC’s demise?

Would the ANC be reduced to a rural political party by 2019, whereas the DA and its coalitions would ascend to become a multi-party, urban conglomeration, ruling South Africa?

In fact, the DA did not make any progress in these last elections. The ANC regressed, as voters simply did not vote. The DA rides on a tribal ticket to split the ANC. Have certain ANC factions, lobbied with outside interest groups to accept a “thirty-year-plan” to divide the amaZulu from within the ANC?

Senior ANC NEC sources under the condition of strict anonymity expect, “The funds for the EFF would be re-directed away from a dwindling Congress Of The People (COPE) to the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) to capture the youth and assist the DA in its move to enter the native Black living areas. But, once the EFF tastes power, it will self-destruct. It will be then that the former racist-apartheid NP and owners-of-the-economy’s offspring, the DA, will have used the EFF to its hilt and spit it out.”

South Africa’s judiciary would play a major role, as it slipped through the backdoor into the corridors of political power. The liberal abuse of the constitution has already become the order of the day. The electorate seems confused, who actually wields power in South Africa. However, the electorate understands the problems of the ANC leadership.

The election outcome unfolded exactly as analysed above.

End.

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Beware Of Arrogance – It Plays Into The Hands Of The Counter-Revolutionaries And Agent Provocateurs

Under the cloak of democracy “majority rule and minority protection” were part of the bruising CODESA negotiations of 1992 to 1994.

As repeatedly cautioned, the secret “Sunset Clauses”, the “Demarcation Board” and the resulting “proportional representation” have denied the voting public their real democracy in the form of “one person, one vote elections in a constituent assembly”. But, this system will not be changed until those in power will have lost their power.

As a number of senior ANC NEC and NWC members explained bluntly, the above-mentioned, more “particularly ‘proportional representation’ and that ‘Demarcation Board’, could at best be described as a most serious ‘electoral fraud’. It has led to corruption, factionalism, polarization, anarchy and destabilisation, whittling the ANC’s voter-base down.”

An elite stands accused of arrogance. And, arrogance always comes before the fall.

Against the above background, South Africa’s African National Congress (ANC) rules at the behest of the minorities. The minorities have entered into an alliance with the majority to form a South African-style “democracy”.

Should the minorities believe that they are disrespected, they could intensify tension between the majority and the minorities.

In South Africa’s case the minorities are made up of a host of miniscule political parties, civil society, capital and judiciary, all of them hostile to black majority rule, even when they use black South Africans for their credibility. These minorities would translate disrespect as arrogant. If this would be the case, “They would translate it as the majority misleading the nation”.

It would therefore, be important to build a strong middle ground, made up of the ruling ANC, the opposition DA, business and civil society. To ignore this development in the case of South Africa, further engaging in looting of private citizens’- and public funds, of taking land and other assets through over-taxation, land-grabs of any nature, would lead the country onto dangerous ground.

2015 is a far cry from the times of the so-called “Cold War” and the struggle against colonial-apartheid oppression. A well-funded opposition, civil society and capital, that cuts across the entire political-, academic- and judicial spectrum, would take up the challenge.

Agent provocateurs would be deployed to destabilise the country. The ‘counter-revolutionary forces’ today are not what they were forty years ago. Today, they are organised and occupy strategic key positions across the private and public sectors.

The ‘counter-revolutionary forces’ would, most likely, not shy away from shutting South Africa and possibly the entire SADC region down for some ninety days and longer by destroying the country’s fiber optics.

The electronic and other supportive structures such as for example, wifi, mobile phone networks, telecoms, bank cards, ATMs, supermarket- and other tills, petrol pumps, banking- and retail industries, traffic- and air traffic control would grind to a halt. Water, electricity and cash would run out, as people would not be prepared for such all-affecting destructive collusion. It would be a tool to intimidate and eventually rule with fear.

As it stands, the ANC-led government is facing an undermining front with hostilities from within and outside which include media, academia, established capital and judiciary. It showed its united, hostile hand at the time of the African Union (AU) summit in Sandton, Johannesburg, when Sudan’s head-of-state, Omar Al-Bashir, showed up.

The Southern African Litigation Center (SALC) with the support of South Africa’s judiciary opportunistically litigated against Al-Bashir, to have him handed over to the racist “International Crimes Court (ICC)” in The Hague, the Netherlands, Europe.

Together, the corporate media cartel, the mafia-apartheid judiciary and the political opposition misled the public in its attempt to embarrass South Africa’s majority-led government. Their cunning approach however, did not bear fruit, despite trying to hide behind the rule-of-law and the constitution.

Government refused to declare war on Sudan by disrespecting international law, deliberately ignoring Sudan’s sovereignty and delivering Al-Bashir to the ICC. At the same time, they tried to weaken government’s credibility nationally and globally.

The “Southern African Litigation Center (SALC)” is heavily sponsored by one of the architects of Ukraine’s war-of-destabilisation against Moscow to force a Western favored “regime change”. He is George Soros and his “Open Society Foundation”. Another player is the US-Ford Foundation. There are others. The SALC has access to huge funds.

The media reported that a certain wealthy Israeli, Nathan Kirsch in London, sponsors political opposition in South Africa through among others, the “De Klerk Foundation” and his London-based “Mayfair Group”. The beneficiaries include the Democratic Alliance (DA), the EFF, possibly also AMCU and AGANG SA.

In addition to the above, the national electricity supplier, ESKOM’s taunting electricity cuts usually at peak times, have not been seriously investigated and dealt with appropriately. To make things worse, the traffic departments do not seem willing, or able to coordinate with the electricity supplier. Electricity cuts and traffic gridlocks have become the order of the day.

The national water suppliers have to deal with run-down and broken equipment. Subsequent poisonous water and water cuts seem to raise their ugly heads.

In fact, all parastatals seem to have been rendered dysfunctional. South Africa seems faced with economic terrorism in a drive to privatize all parastatals for a song. Economic growth seems to dwindle fast.

It also remains unclear who really benefits from the imposition of e-tolls in the Gauteng Province. Interestingly, the company rolling out e-tolls is not South African. The profits leave South Africa for Austria. Who really benefits?

With fifteen million South Africans living below the poverty line and over 26% of the country’s youth being unemployed, racial inequalities persist. So does the slave wage. This is worrisome.

Who would benefit from such ‘dustbowl tactics’ and subsequent trials and tribulations affecting all living in South Africa?

A respected senior source in the ANC’s NEC told this writer on condition of anonymity, “The ANC has raised matters of e-tolls, race-based economic inequalities, the remaining slave wages and the high youth unemployment within the branches and took them up to its national levels. Many cadres are concerned about the impact those developments will have on the ANC voters’ base.”

End.

My twitter handle: @theotherafrika

Africa’s Ruling Freedom Movements Should Beware Of The Traps Of Imported And Dictated Democracy

South Africa’s ruling African National Congress (ANC) was trapped into “service delivery”. This however, was no part of the struggle against oppression.

Neither South Africa’s ANC, nor Namibia’s SWAPO Party, nor Zimbabwe’s ZANU-PF, nor Mozambique’s Frelimo, nor Angola’s MPLA, nor any other Southern and East African liberation movement fought for “service delivery”. It was a struggle against racist colonial-apartheid and its race-based exploitation.

“Democracy” was imported as a US product of the Cold War to protect foreign interests in Africa, just like colonialism, apartheid and UDI did. The plunder of Africa’s wealth through structures like the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE) and the banking structures carries on with impunity. Imported US “democracy” has legitimised this evil.

Now, democracy proofs to be key to global anarchy and regime change. Democracy needs to be corrected.

The East African slogan, “UHURU NAGAZI” – Freedom and Hard Work – means freedom of movement, of association, of communication and all other freedoms enshrined in the constitution. They are part of the struggle for freedom.

UHURU NAGAZI was hijacked. The public is misled by cunningly wrong analysis and interpretations. People demand houses, jobs and land. To get it, they have exchanged hard work for lengthy, violent strikes. Hence, president Zuma accuses South Africans of being lazy. The Freedom Charter stated clearly, land would be given to those who work it. Service delivery was no part of the ANC, its struggle for freedom, its policies, or its goals.

In fact, massive service-delivery-protests harm social stability, as certain unelected and unknown political activists seem to be close to foreign interests of the imperialist West.

Meanwhile, the media oversimplifies mentioned political and socio-economic activities and thereby misleads its clientele. This is hypocritical criticism, which does not serve anyone, but the media barons and their interests. It disrupts and skewers current affairs in South Africa and therefore, it is dishonest.

The continuous media attacks, character assassinations and disinformation campaigns against the head-of-state, cabinet, government, parliament, the ruling ANC and the souvereignity of the country, are disconcerting. It seems that the media barons, their boards and senior management are the power behind the efforts of discrediting and undermining the current authorities. There is a determined, concerted media attempt to unseat president Jacob Zuma and destroy the ANC while showing their allegiance with the opposition.

By now, it should have long been understood, that such vicious un-African efforts would eventually proof futile. The black African majority will not be fooled. In indigenous black African football circles, in the chesa nyamas and shebeens, in taxis and buses, at private parties and on the streets of the townships people ask, “Why is president Jacob Zuma made out to be so bad?” They question the role of the media as it continues to target president Jacob Zuma and the ruling ANC.

From ‘Nkandla’ to the ‘arms deal’, recalled former president Thabo Mbeki is forgotten. The media, its mischievous armchair academic analysts with egos to boot, use every platform to character assassinate Zuma and to discredit the ANC.

The media also created the impression that Zuma had set up the Seriti Commission of Inquiry into the “arms deal” in order to clear his name. It eventually came out that Terry Crawford-Brown was behind it, as he tried to force the president’s hand to set up the Seriti Commission of Inquiry through court action. The court decided to set up the commission. Zuma followed the rule of law. As it turned out, Crawford-Brown based his expose on hearsay, subsequently losing his credibility.

The public protector, a chapter-9 institution, is another case in point. The state set up the institution to assist ordinary people not to be short-changed in their endeavours to get what is owed to them. Under advocate Thuli Madonsela the public protector has become a political lobby for the elite. The public protector has missed its mission. The parliamentary ad hoc committee on “Nkandla” found that Madonsela did not understand the constitution. This made her to misinterpret the role of chapter-9 institutions. Madonsela is out of her depth.

Another chapter-9 institution is the Human Rights Commission (HRC). This institution was supposed to transform society. Farm workers, factory workers, mine workers, household workers and many other sectors of the economy’s employees are exposed to abuse and racism. They remain underpaid slaves and are forced to work long hours without being rewarded accordingly. The HRC is however, not dealing with these issues, despite it being state funded.

The chapter-9 institutions are supposed to be the pillars of the constitution of South Africa. But, they fail dismally. Most of them follow the wrong course, misleading the people, working for the elite. For example, farm workers, who have been evicted from the land, have no access to land, protection or income. What has the HRC done to improve their lives?

The above-mentioned institutions and the below developments are part of a cesspool of confusion, cunningly concocted to make South Africa ungovernable. President Zuma and the black African leaders of the ANC are then accused of being responsible for said failures. The leaders of all these institutions, of civil society, media and academia are unknown and unelected media creations.

In all emerging democracies, corrections must take place. The chapter-9 institutions and political and socio-economic developments mentioned in this column are examples of that.

The chapter-9 institutions are not doing what they are meant to do therefore, they are treasonous.

President Jacob Zuma had no part in creating Gautrain, Rea Vaya, e-tolls, or the arms deal. Whose ideas were those then?

This writer was told under condition of anonymity, “Recalled former president Thabo Mbeki and his inner circle included Tokyo Sexwale, Paul Mashathile, Kgalema Motlanthe and Jabu Molekethi. Together they concocted these structures and benefited handsomely. But, they remain quiet when the media attacks Zuma and his cabinet.”

Attacking Zuma from public platforms and from within the ANC focuses on the destruction of the ANC. The media sees Zuma as the ANC. Meanwhile, president Zuma knows much. He was the first one coming from exile to South Africa. Zuma was intimately involved in the preparations for a negotiated settlement.

The newly found global alliance of BRICS is another hindrance for the local media and its supportive international Western interests. According to the rightwing imperialists, Jacob Zuma has sided with their enemy – China and Russia and the others. To date, the ANC has not joined the rightwing elements.

Throughout, president Zuma is targeted by rightwing forces, which make him look like a cheap criminal.

Unfortunately, a mischievous Caucasian Western mindset refuses to grasp that the majority of South Africa’s population elected Zuma as their president. The local population does not believe that Zuma is a common thief as the media makes him out to be. They identify with him and will protect him. Many believe that the undermining strategies of cunning Western imperialists and their Uncle Toms’ will disappear from Africa, as they eventually will win nothing at all.

Twitter Handle: @theotherafrika

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A Pattern-Analysis Of South Africa’s Real Political Power Scam (Part 2.)

South Africa’s forthcoming elections in May this year will be a mere earth-tremor in its preparations for the earthquake of the real political power strategies and struggles leading up to the elections in 2019. After the May elections this year, new political party alliances will be formed. The goal is South Africa’s complete political transformation with new alliances taking over. Following is an unscientific, however, strategic pattern analysis.

Since 1999, former Bantustan Transkei military dictator, General Bantu Holomisa, has been preaching the formation of an opposition alliance to challenge the ruling ANC.

When the breakaway political party, the ‘Congress of the People’ (COPE) split into two after the fallout between COPE’s leaders, Mosiuoa Terror Lekota and Mbazima Sam Shilowa, the new breakaway joined General Holomisa’s United Democratic Movement (UDM).

Having been in good contact with the ‘Economic Freedom Front (EFF)’ and the ‘Association of Mineworkers and Construction Union (AMCU)’ from their onset, the former Transkei general stated shortly after the COPE breakaway had joined his UDM, “This is just the first manifestation of a black dominated coalition.” Holomisa added in his ‘Sunday Independent’ newspaper interview, “Our people (South African electorate) are bitter. That’s why I say this election can be the beginning of real change in South Africa. It will come slowly. But, it is coming.”

Dr. Corne Mulder from the miniscule Freedom Front Plus (FF+) shares Holomisa’s plan to unite al minority groups and their political representations. Mulder emphasised such during the launch of his party’s manifesto.

Under South Africa’s late former president Nelson Mandela and his ANC-led government, Holomisa served as a deputy minister of tourism. Soon he fell out with the ruling African National Congress (ANC). He then formed a new political party with former colonial-apartheid minister of defence, Roelf Meyer. Meyer had served to the end of the white apartheid era as minister of defence under his former colonial-apartheid president and one of the secret Boer brotherhood (Afrikaaner Broederbond, AB) senior members, F.W. de Klerk. But, Meyer soon opted out of his UDM with Holomisa.

Is general Bantu Holomisa the dark horse in the forthcoming elections? When will a new alliance between his UDM and COPE-2, AMCU, possibly a breakaway from NUMSA, Agang SA and a host of political parties on the fringe be formed? He talks of a “forced coalition”.

Like Holomisa, National Union of Metalworkers of South Africa’s (NUMSA) secretary general, Irvine Jim, also hails from the Eastern Cape.

A host of small political parties on the fringe would join the new alliance Holomisa lobbies towards. He hopes to win 5% to 6% of the national vote.

Agang SA’s Mamphela Ramphele has no hope at all to lead any political party, not to mention, becoming president of the country. She is just too erudite with no foot on the ground. She is accused of being unable to complete anything she touches.

As Mamphela Ramphele shares the same donors with the Democratic Alliance (DA) leader, Helen Zille, she would serve her masters better in the Holomisa camp. Though the DA has similar plans for 2019, they differ. The fallout between Ramphele and Zille seemed to be part of a strategy, yet to unfold.

The difference between Holomisa and Ramphele is quite obvious. Despite having been a former Bantustan military dictator, Holomisa remains hands-on and therefore, relevant to local politics. He is respected in the Eastern Cape and has earned his stars. Unlike elitist Ramphele, boots-on-the-ground Holomisa is not just an airy-fairy token for the many well-heeled international Western interest groups.

In fact, Holomisa is by far the strongest and most credible of all political leaders in the opposition. All other opposition leaders are lightweight in comparison. If the ANC could rake him back into its fold, the thunder of a breakaway to the left from the ruling party by 2019 would be thwarted. The centre of the ANC would hold then. 

The DA would to go it alone until 2019. It would continue with its strategic overt and covert efforts to weaken the ruling ANC. By its own admission, the DA plans to take over the Union Buildings in Pretoria. However, it seems that the DA has realised that it might not quite make it on its own. Therefore, the new DA strategy seems to attempt a coalition agreement with the ANC by 2019, after the ruling party has been severely undermined and weakened.

A long serving, senior member of COSATU’s Central Executive Committee (CEC) and of the ANC leadership said, “The DA and its backers seem to work on a group of COSATU affiliates. Those include the South African Municipal Workers Union (SAMWU), the Food and Allied Workers Union (FAWU), the Chemical Workers Union (CWU), and regional representations of the South African Democratic Teachers Union (SADTU), excluding its headquarters.”

He explained his above-mentioned point; “The opposition Democratic Alliance would need to build a large enough powerbase in preparation for a serious strategy of forming a coalition agreement with the ANC by 2019.”

The role and the timing of the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) seem to depend on its current leader’s situation. The question mark over Julius Malema’s political future and his leadership of the EFF would be addressed, once the provisional sequestration order is finalised. Malema would see his political aspirations for a seat in Parliament evaporate, as being an unrehabilitated insolvent would prevent him from being a member of the National Assembly. Malema would just be dumped then, as a Dali Mpofu might hope to quickly take over leadership of the EFF. However, he seems to lack credibility.  

Bantu Holomisa was invited to and attended the launch of the EFF. Commander-in-Chief (CIC) of the EFF, Julius Malema, shows deep respect for Holomisa.

Some 90% of the Marikana mineworkers hail from the Eastern Cape. Even the Sangoma, who addressed the crowds shortly before they clashed with the police, was from Pondoland in the Eastern Cape.

In the above context, it would seem that the timing could be right for the EFF to join the new coalition after the elections, Holomisa works hard for. New political parties would converge. They could vote in a block in Parliament with a new, now defunct ‘Namibian-style Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA)’ type of coalition.

The new executive of the emerging political alliance possibly led by Bantu Holomisa would then show its hand. Would disgraced former COSATU general secretary, Zwelinzima Vavi become the shadow economic minister? Would the likes of AMCU head, Joseph Matunjwa, NUMSA secretary general Irvine Jim, Agang SA leader Mamphela Ramphele and a possible new head of EFF, Dali Mpofu, be part of the new executive? If that would be the case, could one assume that the AmaXhosa in the Eastern Cape attempt to get back into national power?

There could be power wrangling between Holomisa and Vavi for the top post, if the above pattern analysis is realised. Jim too could enter the new power struggle and a Dali Mpofu could aim at finance. This would be the perfect storm.

All roads leading to those power political developments point to one of the country’s strategists, former recalled president Thabo Mbeki. He was accused of being behind the breakaway formation of COPE after his defeat in Polokwane in December 2007. COPE consists mainly of Mbeki’s followers. Allegedly, he was also seen with Bantu Holomisa, Mamphela Ramphele, Julius Malema, Mosiuoa Lekota and many others, who seem to share a common interest in destroying the ANC. Thabo Mbeki remains strategic-politically very active.

And, so are the owners of the economy as well as the media barons. Initially it seems as if the corporate mainstream media has become fair and friendlier towards the ANC. Singing the same hymn from the same page of the same hymnbook in the same tune, the media subtly tries to push the ANC to exorcise president Jacob Zuma.

Currently, there seems to be a drive to cause a migration from the ANC, while creating a coalition of interest to the left of South Africa’s ruling party. Definite emergent patterns are taking place.  NUMSA’s Irvine Jim announced the breakaway from the tripartite structure, forming a new, socialist political party.  

The political manoeuvring seems centred around South Africa’s platinum mining industry in its belt outside Rustenburg. It is currently one of the biggest revenue-earner for the country.

The South African rand currency value is weakened and wealth creation phased out. The strikers are used as cannon fodder, as their demands for a wage increase of ZAR12 500 seems too difficult to realise. It would give the owners of the platinum mining industry around Rustenburg a gap to close their mines down. The platinum deposits in the Limpopo province seem to be more attractive than those around Rustenburg. In other words, the strikes would suit the owners of the platinum industry.   

If the above pattern analysis proves to be a reality by 2019, it could be described as a ‘real power political scam’, as it has indeed little to do with ‘democracy’.

 

My Twitter Handle: @theotherafrika

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A Wake-Up Call For South Africa’s Ruling ANC (Part 1.)

South Africa’s ruling party, the African National Congress (ANC), seems to have lost its ground as champion of the poor majority, or so observers tell. The movement, as it is known among its members, enshrined national participation in and ownership of land and economy by all living in the country, more particularly by the poor majority, in its Freedom Charter. The historic torchbearers of the ANC, Oliver Tambo, Nelson Mandela, Duma Nokwe, Albert Luthuli, Walter and Albertina Sisulu, Govan Mbeki, Anton Lembede and Chris Hani defended the defenceless and thus, kept the hopes of the poor masses high.

History reflects that the ANC took pride in its tried and tested leadership. In fact, the international community on both sides, the West and the East respected its leaders then. Great pride was also taken in the broad based support from a wide range of South Africa’s society at large. Those included civic organisations and NGOs. 

By 1994 however, the ANC was totally disarmed, negotiated and manipulated to become an organisation of patronage. The Freedom Charter was dropped and replaced by among others, the secret Sunset Clauses. To date, those clauses protect colonial-apartheid’s senior politicians, their ministers, their generals, their strategic key personnel and their sponsors, including those of the Bantustans and those who operated in Namibia, some of them remain based there.

Negotiations with the criminal colonial-apartheid powers and their imperialist Western backers ensured that the Movement had to accommodate the former Bantustan administrations as well as the racist regime’s national overt and covert structures.

Stratcom agents, murderers, spooks, money launderers, downright local and international criminals, the likes of the Selous Scouts from former Rhodesia, Koevoet and 32 Battalion from former Southwest Africa, hit squads of the former Military Intelligence’s Civil Cooperation Bureaux (CCB) trained in Argentine, Chile and Israel in urban warfare, assassination and sabotage, as well as a host of organised crime syndicates were infiltrated into the ANC and its alliance partner, COSATU. Today, most of them are card-carrying members of the ANC. A frightening scenario indeed.  

This would explain the continuous low-key sabotage of many government- and parastatal services, tender rigging, bribery and corruption, steadily undermining the ruling party, badly affecting the poor majority.

The above-mentioned has set a trend.

Instead of employing and deploying known real cadres, new, unknown, corrupt, untested and untried people build their career in the ANC-led government and the party. This abuse of deployment causes a degeneration and eventual decay of the broad church of the ANC. It is this recent development that centres on control, working towards the exclusion of incorrupt, tried and tested cadres of the ANC. Meanwhile, the national debate and the dialogue with the masses were stifled. Corrupt and compromised praise-singers were allowed to move into senior positions of the movement.

It is therefore, small wonder that an ANC elite is criticised on the ground for participating in right-wing actions. Such developments became even clearer when certain technocrats within the ANC elite adopted imperialist neo-liberal policies through GEAR, short for Growth, Employment and Redistribution.

GEAR kicked off the downward spiral. It was never debated, nor dialogued. From then, technocrats took over and decided without any consensus, or debate.

To this day the same tactics that imposed GEAR seem implemented. Most of the ANC members and followers left for exile because of unjust and discriminatory laws, structures that worked for a discriminating, minority dictatorship.   

A senior member of the ANC NEC and NWC pointed out, “Most of the real ANC members are kept uninformed and in the dark. The question often raised is, who is leading whom?”

“The last straw that would break the camel’s back is the insensitivity towards the poor and unemployed majority by not dealing with the issues of numerous inequalities. Examples are a continuation of resembling the ‘grand apartheid structures’,” explained the respected elder cadre, still serving the ANC. He told this columnist, “The ANC fails to dialogue with its communities across the board. The movement has forgotten to take the national debate forward and continues to show rightwing anti-poor actions such as the upcoming e-tolls. The ANC knows, big business will absorb those new expenses and pass them on to the poor masses. This will leave them to deal with a massive increase of basic living expenses and eventual starvation.”

Those misguided decisions entrap the ruling party and create a vacuum for new, small and opportunistic political groups such as Agang SA, COPE, EFF, AMCU and new political alliances to be formed after the forthcoming elections in 2014 up to 2019. This however, creates confusion among the broad majority. Not to be informed is dangerous in these globally uncertain times.

Many respected ANC stalwarts, also long-serving members of the African National Congress in exile, unanimously agree, “For the ANC to get out of those traps which it had been manoeuvred into in 1994, it would have to abolish the ‘proportional representation system’ and replace it with a ‘constituent assembly system’, based on ‘one person, one vote’. It is most important that communities will be able to elect their representatives into parliament. This is the system the ANC had fought for. ”

The above-mentioned senior cadres further expressed their concern about the leaders’ fear of moving back into their own, former system. However, they have indeed no choice any longer and will have to move fast, even if at the expense of all small political groups.

The broad majority of the population has to participate directly in re-shaping its democracy and in that context, re-build their lives. The ‘party-boss system’ has proved to be useless and redundant. It is the tried and tested basic existence of the ANC of working with and for the masses of the country. A very dangerous development is to keep the masses uninformed and therefore, marginalised. This makes the general population vulnerable to rightwing propaganda, which works hard at misleading and destabilising the country.

The more the ANC retreats into a defence mode, the more vulnerable it becomes. Its enemies will abuse every opportunity to penetrate and destroy the movement. It is historical fact that the original principals of the African National Congress brought the huge following of the masses with them.

“A ‘party boss’ style would kill the ANC, as the mood of the people would be ignored. The elite would rule in isolation. It denies the people the freedom they actually own,” senior ANC NEC and NWC members warned. The masses will follow the ANC again, once they are included in the national debate and can participate in the voting for a ‘constituent assembly’ on a ‘one person, one vote system’

In fact, ‘proportional representation’ has created gatekeepers in the ANC as was demonstrated in the Limpopo Province. The ANC’s policy to grow new cadres cannot work for as long as it is exposed to ‘proportional representation’. It certainly stifles broad debate. It also makes people to become position and resource focused, the base for corruption.

“Comrade president Jacob Zuma did well in re-strengthening the movement’s countrywide branches. It is our aim that this will bring the ANC back to the masses and then the masses will identify with their movement”, the ANC NEC senior member remarked.

This analytical observation and research serves as a concerned and hopefully, responsible article, trying to avoid a vacuum for the rightwing to become the ‘white knights in shining armour’, propagating to ‘come to the rescue of the poor masses’, but in reality bringing imperialist separatism through the backdoor. The structures of ‘grand apartheid’ in a different frock would certainly return.

 

Twitter Handle: @theotherafrika

Special Exposé: South Africa, disingenuous attempts to hide morals and truth.

AFRIKA: THE OTHER SIDE OF THE COIN.

Special Exposé: South Africa, disingenuous attempts to hide morals and truth.

By Udo W. Froese, non-institutionalised, independent political and socio-economic analyst and columnist, based in Johannesburg, South Africa.

 

Out with the old, in with the old. Well, the war has never ended. The onslaught to break up and destroy the African National Congress has been moved from the old military war during the times of the “cold war” to the levels of immorality and propaganda. The factual history is deliberately not only ignored. It is re-written. This time it is based on disinformation, gossip, hearsay, urban legends and dubious leaks.

The country’s corporate mainstream media hails archbishop Desmond Tutu, dr. Mamphela Rampele, Mosiuoa Lekota, the Pityana brothers, Zwelinzima Vavi, institutionalised and mischievous academic analysts and some miniscule political opposition leaders as moral apostles, condemning the ruling ANC as having “lost the moral compass” and being “leaderless”.

It would be interesting to know why former close friends and comrades, Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma fell out. Why would Thabo Mbeki want to send his former friend and comrade to prison? Which line did Zuma cross to be haunted since 2003? Why that extraordinary focus on one man and his leadership team?

The answer why Jacob Zuma remains in the focus of propagandist attacks.

Re-elected ANC president Jacob Zuma reaffirmed the power of the ANC branches countrywide at the ruling party’s historic Conference in Mangaung in December 2012. In other words, the power of the branches that had been manipulated and whittled away by Thabo Mbeki was rebuilt under the rule of Jacob Zuma.

The recalled, former president of the ANC and of South Africa had exposed the ruling party and its history to the damaging sabotage of the “former” enemy. If Mbeki had succeeded to receive a third term in office, the branches would have ceased to exist.

In addition to having had to allow the collapse of notorious forces such as the Special Branch (SB) of the former South African Police Force; others such as the disbanded police unit, Koevoet (Crowbar) in Namibia; the covert arm of the former apartheid defence force’s military intelligence (MI), the Civil Cooperation Bureau (CCB) as well as members of the former ruling party of colonial-apartheid South Africa, by then the New National Party (NNP), a huge army of informers was deployed into the ANC. This was terrifying as it was undermining. It was a different warfare that was rolled out in the 1980s. The ANC’s moral high ground has since been under attack. It is a destructive plan with no respect for life and one goal only – the total destruction of the ANC.

Non-heroes traded as “struggle icons”.

Let us line up the moral high priests of the corporate media, the architects of apartheid, or captains of industry, the churches and civil society.

Archbishop Emeritus Desmond P. Tutu headed the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC) in 1995. Tutu had the power to investigate all areas and levels of the former apartheid regime, which the United Nations had declared as ‘a crime against humanity’.

Tutu’s commissioners should have asked from the onset, why apartheid was defined as ‘a crime against humanity’? In other words, what exactly it did to earn that international outrage? What damages were meted out against human beings in and from South Africa, Namibia, Angola, Botswana, Zambia, Tanzania, Mozambique, Lesotho, Swaziland and Zimbabwe? The apartheid regime under the cloak of that so-called “cold war” had killed about 15 million indigenous Africans.

The disrespect for human life based on race and colour of the skin was evident in the farm killings, at the work place, in the jails and in the mines. So were and still are the daily humiliations. When indigenous Africans failed to produce their ID, they were detained and sold on to farmers for cheap labour. They were killed mercilessly.

For example, under colonial-apartheid black men had to get to the notorious pass office in number 80 Albert Street in Johannesburg’s inner city in order to receive their passes. There they had to strip naked in front of a handful of white staff, including young white women, to be “medically inspected”.

Does this not remind one of that so-called piece of art, exposing the genitals of re-elected President Jacob Zuma, exhibited in the Goodman gallery in Johannesburg’s suburb of Rosebank in May 2012? Are those the hailed “freedom of expression”, “freedom of the media”, “freedom of association” and whatever else those “freedoms” might be called? It seems rather like character assassination. It is an abuse of democracy.

The victims of that godless and heartless crime of apartheid received a mere thirty thousand Rand for what they had to endure.

Archbishop Tutu never dealt with any of those crimes against humanity neither did his TRC. In fact, Tutu never queried, nor exposed the heart of apartheid, the ‘Afrikaaner Broederbond (ABB)’, which had brought apartheid into the church. The archbishop never addressed the mentality of the agents of apartheid, their laws and their judiciary. It is on record that the judiciary supported the Afrikaaner Broederbond (ABB) and the apartheid laws, implementing laws without questioning them.

Some of the same judges sit in the Constitutional Court, High Courts, Supreme Courts and the Appeal Court, pretending to be the white knights in shining armour to the general public.

Today it is clear that the TRC was merely used to cover up the crimes of apartheid instead of exposing them. To this day, South Africans are still paying dearly for it when they are being confused to accept abuse in the form of so-called democratic “freedoms” of the media, arts, cartoonists and satirists. To this day indigenous Africans are being humiliated and undermined. The attempts to undermine the leadership of the ANC and government as part of the build-up to the ANC Conference in Mangaung by the corporate media, banks, industry, churches and civil society is a case in point. Their paymasters in the shadows have not yet come out. It is crucial to follow the money trail.

It is known fact that archbishop Desmond Tutu was never a member of the ANC. When he travelled to Oslo, Norway, in December 1984, his entourage did not include any ANC members. Most of them belonged to the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM).

The archbishop did nothing to expose and thus, to curb such abuse. He was unable and not prepared to unify South Africa. Tutu’s legacy is based on massive media propaganda. Many indigenous African leaders in South Africa and in the rest of this continent describe the archbishop as a “confidence trickster and limelight addict”. Tutu’s public announcement that he would pray for the downfall of the ANC and its government is on record. His hateful criticism of the ruling party is known.

Some of the most senior ANC NEC and ANC NWC members told this writer; “History will never absolve archbishop Desmond Tutu for what he has done, when he legitimised apartheid’s crimes against humanity.”

The media’s other moral apostle is dr. Mamphela Ramphele. She serves as chairperson on the board of Goldfields Mining, advocating the mechanisation of the mining industry in South Africa. In other words, with her guidance mineworkers will loose their jobs. As a “struggle icon”, Ramphele never spoke out against the amoral hostels, mining companies had set up for their labour force.

Of course, it would be in the public interest why dr. Ramphele earned her status as a “struggle icon” in South Africa’s media, because she is known to have committed adultery with the murdered BCM leader, Steve Bantu Biko. The BCM leader was a married man with children when Ramphele had an affair with him. They have a son, Hlumelo Biko, who was born out of wedlock after Biko’s death.

Liberals, political opposition, civil society and the media packaged dr. Mamphela Ramphele as moralist, telling South Africa to aspire to her moral regeneration. The delegates at the ANC Conference in December 2012 in Mangaung openly criticised dr. Ramphele, “She is no benchmark of moral standards. Dr. Ramphele is not a member of the ANC, has no credibility and no following.”

The Pityana brothers, Barney and Sipho, were described as “definitely not true-blue ANC cadres, who joined the movement later. “They originate from the Black Consciousness,” this writer was informed.

Barney Pityana was in the leadership of the BCM. The Pityana brothers, the “Anyone But Zuma (ABZ)” group inside the ANC, as well as those who left with the Congress of the People (COPE) after Polokwane in December 2007, are all part of recalled, former “president Thabo Mbeki’s inner circle”. “They have no credibility and carry no weight within the ANC”, senior members of the ruling party explained. Mbeki seems to continue to be politically very active through his minions.

The leader of the Congress of the People (COPE), Mosiuoa (Terror) Lekota’s character and political understanding could be summed up through his associations.

A respected senior ANC NEC member explained, “We had to warn Lekota about some of the company he kept then.” He also said, ”Lekota tried to infiltrate the ANC and failed. He now tries to break up the ANC and will fail again, no matter how noisy and confrontational he is in Parliament and the media.”

From the above research and analysis, Thabo Mbeki’s associations are indeed clear too.

 

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‘Beware of Treason’

By Udo W. Froese, independent political and socio-economic analyst and columnist, in Johannesburg, South Africa.

Overt and covert work at leadership change, challenging calls for an “Arab Spring”, demands for changing the constitution, huge financial resources to put up a small group of professional regime changers and the consequences thereof are indeed outside the ambit of normal political processes.

The thin line between democracy and high treason begins to be crossed, as in the worst-case scenario the president, his family, cabinet- and government members could be murdered, as was the case particularly in Libya and other north African and Middle East countries.

This is what the current leadership of the ruling ANC seems to be exposed to. Meanwhile, South Africa remains a working democracy. But, the aforementioned would tumble the country into civil war.

High treason, as defined by the law of the Republic of South Africa is any overt act committed by a person owing allegiance to a state with the unlawful, hostile intent to overthrow, impair, violate, threaten or endanger the existence, independence or security of the state or to overthrow or coerce the government of the state or change the constitutional structure of the state.

The mass march of the ANCYL’s Malema and his executive to the Union Buildings in Pretoria, the seat of government of South Africa, on Friday, October 28, 2011, produced a public perception of mass support for Julius Malema and his inner circle, currently being disciplined by the ANC’s National Disciplinary Committee (NDC) for sowing disunity in the mother body and bringing the party into disrepute.

Malema and his executive’s call on the ANCYL to support their march for “economic liberation” to the Chamber of Mines and the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE) both in Johannesburg and the government head quarters at the Union Buildings in Pretoria was met when some 3000 participants showed up, surely the biggest Sandton has yet seen.

Political analysts hail this march as a “historic occasion”.

The ANCYL has 350 000 members. Against this background some observers say that Thursday and Friday’s march (October 26 and 27, 2011), particularly to Pretoria was a failure, as it drew less than one percent of the ANCYL’s 350 000 membership. The perceived populist Malema’s call for the support of the ANCYL may not be as historical, as it is perceived.

Fact is, the ANC is in government. It has policies on employment and has created the NYDA. The NYDA is however a disaster. Before Malema talks about economic freedom, why does he not propose a serious plan on how to fix the NYDA and ensure that funds are channeled into the correct programmes? The NYDA’s executives amass wealth, but are not reigned in.

It is interesting that Julius Malema speaks about “economic freedom”, but has never raised it with the ANC NEC. It is publicly asked, what are the real issues that he raises within the NEC? By any measure, it is hard to understand why any ANC NEC member protests against the mother body in public.

The aforementioned clearly demonstrates that Malema’s politics are misleading and without substance. By not producing any working documents and programmes of action for an economic participation and empowerment for the majority of the population, Malema and his executive show political, ethical and intellectual bankruptcy.

It is also disappointing to notice that the youth from across the country have not assisted to raise the standard of the ‘economic debate’.

The media publicity the current ANCYL president receives, does not necessarily mean the approval and endorsement of Malema.

It is a threat to the ruling party and the government, to openly place into peril the principles of the ruling ANC with underhanded warnings for a “regime change” and to unlawfully demand a change of the constitution of South Africa.

Rebellious youngsters burnt the ANC flag in the streets of inner city Johannesburg when Malema had to appear in front of the National Disciplinary Committee earlier this year at ANC Headquarters in Luthuli House. The ANC War Veterans’ Association (MKVA) angrily protested against such ill discipline and disrespect of the youth.

It was disconcerting to notice that one of the posters displayed at Malema’s march to the government in Pretoria read, “F…k the President”.

Meanwhile, Julius Malema claimed to have been an MK soldier as from the age of nine years. History however, reveals that the ANC never made use of child soldiers.

Senior ANC NEC member and Minister for Human Settlement, Tokyo Sexwale, is no stranger to the aforementioned national problem and the controversy around it. It seems that society at large is quite clear of his agenda.

Former recalled president Thabo Mbeki’s Minister for Safety and Security, the late Steve Tshwete, had accused Sexwale of conspiring against the president. His co-accused were Mathews Phosa and Cyril Ramaphosa. Tshwete went to his grave standing by his accusation of Sexwale and Phosa having planned to overthrow the then incumbent president. Sexwale, Phosa and Ramaphosa denied the allegation.

In the case of Cyril Ramaphosa it is obvious that the allegations were wrong. His subsequent actions proved to be such, as he became a respected businessman and statesman. Tshwete publicly apologised to Ramaphosa on national television.

In a media interview, Sexwale claimed to also have served directly under the revered, late ANC president, Oliver Reginald (OR) Thambo in exile. This is untrue. When Sexwale left for exile, he was there for a very short time, as he was almost immediately incarcerated. Comrades from exile refuted Sexwale’s claim.

Meanwhile, Sexwale structured his own downfall, as he believes that the criminal habits of the banking cartel of the US’s Wall Street would be acceptable and could be useful for his agenda. It is believed that the banking cartel is too big to be allowed to fail. That is the reason why that notorious cartel was bailed out.

However, Tokyo Sexwale is not in that league. According to senior ANC insiders, Sexwale will fail, despite and because of his lobby for a “regime change” within the ANC leadership. His goal of government buying his debt through crude and unstructured nationalisation is clear and is therefore, guaranteed to fail.

The historic background to the Polokwane summit of the ANC in December 2008 set the future development of the current situation of the internal power wrangling of the ANC

In ousting recalled former president Thabo Mbeki, many forces converged with different agendas. It was then that Julius Malema – referred to from then on as ‘kingmaker’ – and Tokyo Sexwale positioned themselves. Basically, Sexwale’s business was alleged to be drowning in debt and he tried to sell it via a vehicle of nationalisation of his debt to the government.

By their own admission, Malema and his executive openly revealed to the media that Tokyo Sexwale is their funder.

Meanwhile, senior ANC cadres point out that it would be surprising, if the South African Revenue Services (SARS), the Hawks Investigative Unit, the NPA and the Public Protector would merely fold their arms, while huge financial resources change accounts. The immediate question rose, what is the value in return for those funds made available?

If South Africa would want to retain its national stability and establish real economic participation, the fine line between democracy and high treason should not be obscured.

End.