South Africa Today, The Script Unfolds…

South Africa’s recent election outcome with the ruling African National Congress (ANC) having lost hundreds of thousands of votes came and went as no surprise.

One of the major reasons seems to be, as repeatedly documented; the ANC has become insensitive to the poor majority and has to urgently redefine itself.

It will have to act on, for example, the e-tolls system and do away with rightwing policies forthwith. In fact, the ANC and its government will not get away without a high-quality, effective and efficient intelligence force, a force similar to that of Zimbabwe. ESKOM, Rand Water and the Traffic Departments are all in serious need of honest, hands-on management. Outsourcing has become a swear word and should be treated as such, because it is one of the roots of corruption.

About thirty years ago a group of well-qualified senior ANC intelligence officers read the strategy of the racist-apartheid Nationalist Party (NP) regime then, which was fully backed by the international West.

A small group of senior ANC NEC members explained under the condition of anonymity, “The White NP regime together with the owners of the economy collaborated as ‘architects-of-apartheid’. Their strategy was to unban the ANC, SACP, PAC, Cosatu and all its affiliates, to put together a multi-party democracy, as they had done in the late 1970s in occupied Namibia. Their “democratic model” would be a two-tier system, similar to the old Roman structures.”

“Their two-tier system would include a host of strategic structures such as the NP’s “regional governments”; the Progressive Federal Party (PFP)-Democratic Alliance (DA) “federal system”, which mischievous armchair academics describe as a “Swiss Canton model”; the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) called it the “con-federal system” with the IFP ruling KwaZulu-Natal on its own and the apartheid-Homeland leaders like general Bantu Holomisa and Lucas Mangope, who would call that system ”Bantustans.”

“The above would leave the ANC, SACP, SACTU, COSATU on the outskirts of the corridors of government.”

Like SWAPO Party in Namibia, who was strongly against South Africa’s NP regime’s dictate with its huge host of 149 political parties then, competing against incoming SWAPO, the ANC intelligence officers and strategists were directly opposed against a similar strategy for South Africa.”

“Whittling down support of both liberation movements would create inflated and hugely expensive provincial governments with nine ministers and their staff complement for as many portfolios. This strategy would lead to ‘consumption expenditure’ instead of ‘infrastructural development expenditure’, this writer was told.

As it is today, the treasury pays 55% of the annual national budget towards the nine provincial administrations. If only a two-third majority in parliament would allow the number of provinces to be reduced to four, maximum five provinces, then central government and its treasury would simply have to cut its budget for the provinces.

The ANC team of strategists and intelligence officers also warned that the Western Cape would be won by an apartheid-colonial NP-alliance. That structure would establish a corridor through to the Free State Province and its capitol, Bloemfontein. The Gauteng Province would fall to the same DA conglomerate by 2019. Will the Gauteng Province ever return to the ANC mold again?

In above context, it is small wonder that ANC strategists and intelligence officers were not at all surprised at the Local Government elections outcome. In fact, the late Chris Hani did not support the regional government system in any way.

As revealed to this writer, “During the Codesa negotiations in 1994 the international West had forced the ANC team to adopt the secret “Sunset Clauses”, as developed by FW de Klerk and Joe Slovo. The alternative was that the racist-apartheid regime threatened, it would kill millions of native African South Africans in their townships by dropping nuclear devices on them.”

The same ANC intelligence officers further warned against “Chris Hani being murdered, as he stood in the way of the covert plotters. The enemy’s covert operations were to kill Hani, as he was intelligent and not corruptible. He understood the enemy tactics too well, including those of certain suspicious ANC leaders and insiders”, this commentator was told.

“The above-mentioned report included that covert operations would follow Hani’s murder up by character assassinating Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma. Both were described as easy targets, as one had a drinking problem and the other a problem with women and money. Such character assassinations could lead to self-destruction. The ANC intelligence had warned the movement about such nefarious activities some thirty years ago.”

Recalled Thabo Mbeki met the EFF leaders on the eve of the elections. He also did not attend any of the ‘star rallies’ of his ruling party and avoided to go onto the campaign trail. When interviewed whom he would vote for, if, he expressed his abhorrence over corruption. Mbeki hinted about his vote and said, “The electorate would have to follow its conscience.” Did it not actually send a message to the ANC members not to vote?

The revered, late ANC President in exile, Oliver Reginald Tambo, maintained that no living being would be stronger than the ANC.

The late ANC and country president, Nelson Mandela, is on record having said in 1993 before he was elected as president of a new South Africa, “If people relax their vigilance, they will find their sacrifices have been in vain. If the ANC does not deliver the goods, the people must do to it what they have done to the apartheid regime … “

What is it that both above-mentioned leaders knew then already, that the rest of the leadership and its voters have not been exposed to?

Internationally renowned researcher, author and journalist, professor John Pilger commented, “The economic ‘growth’, which Nelson Mandela applauds, was once described by Joseph Schumpeter, the doyen of Harvard economists, as ‘creative destruction’.”

South African businessman, Mzi Khumalo, comments, “Three ways the White minority has outsmarted the native black majority in the democracy numbers game are: –

  • They concentrated their numbers into the Western Cape and secured themselves a dominion. (This is similar to Namibia’s secessionists of the Caprivi Strip, which was argued and punished as “high treason”, this writer.)


  • They follow the divide and conquer strategy by promoting the EFF through the corporate mainstream media cartels and fund it to dilute the impact of Black unity.


  • They then convinced ANC voters that (president) Zuma is unacceptable to vote for, while convincing their most racist voters to vote for the DA, even if their leader is Black.”


“It’s not the ANC, who must smell the coffee, because they will loose power. It’s the Black voter who must smell the coffee, or loose political expression”, Mzi Khumalo explains.

Have power; patronage, resources and subsequent arrogance destroyed the ANC elite?

Have the academic and corporate mainstream media cartels’ propaganda war waged against the ANC, eventually contributed to the ANC’s demise?

Would the ANC be reduced to a rural political party by 2019, whereas the DA and its coalitions would ascend to become a multi-party, urban conglomeration, ruling South Africa?

In fact, the DA did not make any progress in these last elections. The ANC regressed, as voters simply did not vote. The DA rides on a tribal ticket to split the ANC. Have certain ANC factions, lobbied with outside interest groups to accept a “thirty-year-plan” to divide the amaZulu from within the ANC?

Senior ANC NEC sources under the condition of strict anonymity expect, “The funds for the EFF would be re-directed away from a dwindling Congress Of The People (COPE) to the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) to capture the youth and assist the DA in its move to enter the native Black living areas. But, once the EFF tastes power, it will self-destruct. It will be then that the former racist-apartheid NP and owners-of-the-economy’s offspring, the DA, will have used the EFF to its hilt and spit it out.”

South Africa’s judiciary would play a major role, as it slipped through the backdoor into the corridors of political power. The liberal abuse of the constitution has already become the order of the day. The electorate seems confused, who actually wields power in South Africa. However, the electorate understands the problems of the ANC leadership.

The election outcome unfolded exactly as analysed above.



Soweto Youth: From Hewers Of Wood And Carriers Of Water To Engineers, Scientists And Businessmen- And Women

“For anyone to claim that apartheid South Africa’s Bantu education was better than today’s education under the government of the elected African National Congress (ANC) demonstrates a disregard and denial of history. Bantu education never produced engineers, scientists, and agriculturalists. It delivered a handful of doctors, nurses and teachers. The big majority had to make do with becoming hewers of wood and carriers of water, petrol attendants, gardeners and kitchen maids. Apartheid designed education on job reservation”, one of the former leaders of the Soweto Students Representative Council (SSRC) of 1976 explained.


He pointed out, “For Democratic Alliance leader, Mmusi Maimane, to say that apartheid’s Bantu education was better than that of today under the ruling ANC, is the lowest form of politicking. The students involved in the Soweto riots of 1976 know better. We were there. We organised against apartheid’s dictate to be taught in Afrikaans, the language of the oppressor.”


“We accept that the tuitional results are shocking and that our youth is not being prepared to make its mark in South Africa’s exclusive and hostile economy, where the majority holds only 3% of the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE) and 97% remains in the hands of the owners of the economy. Our youth is uninvolved with little access to a national education system. The youth has however no choice, but to get involved in the formation of a movement towards economic participation.”


At this point in time the country produces an oversupply of a semi- and uneducated youth with no access to the economy.


“The ANC-led government’s biggest mistake was to abolish colleges, technicons, nursing- and teachers’ colleges. A former minister of education, Kader Asmal, joined learning institutes with already overcrowded universities. What did the former minister of education, Kader Asmal, and his cohorts smoke, when they destroyed the countries educational system? They should have been developed as foundations to build on. Why was the local Black youth marginalized?” A senior ANC National Executive Council (NEC) member commented.


“Prior to 1994, civil society had made education part of the national debate. But, as soon as South Africa had achieved its democratic independence, that debate was no longer encouraged. From then onward, education became a matter of technocrats, producing green and white papers with a few participants recruited from nowhere”; he explained the phenomena of the country’s educational decline.


As a British educated intellectual, how was it possible under the watch of Sussex scholar, recalled president Thabo Mbeki, that South Africa’s education was not transformed into a solid educational system, equaling that of Zimbabwe and Germany? How is South Africa to benefit from its “democracy”?


South Africa needs not look further than across the border to Zimbabwe. The United Nations (UN) accepted Zimbabwe as a leading educational model. Why not apply their system to South Africa?


Prime Minister Robert Mugabe reformed Zimbabwe’s educational system in 1981.


“By New Year’s day in 1981, Zimbabwe boasted free primary school education for all students as well as guaranteed admission to secondary school for all who qualified.”


“Mugabe had city boundaries reshaped to ensure multiracial political representation and replaced Whites with educated Blacks in key positions relating to educational institutions.”


Meanwhile however, South Africa seems to look to fellow Commonwealth member, Australia, for its failed educational system.


In the online publication, “The Conversation – Africa Pilot” under the title, “Australian Education System failing kids”, a host of failures are highlighted as: (a)“Australian Teens falling behind, as others race ahead”; (b) “Declining participation in science and mathematics”; (c) “Australian Education is monolingual”; (d) “International and migrant student actually raise standards, not lower them”; (e) “You can’t have quality education without quality teachers” and (f) “Early learning participation is among the lowest in the developed world.”


“There is also growing evidence to suggest that a segregated schooling system – for example, socio-economically, or academically selective schools – is counterproductive and restricts social mobility. High performing countries have school systems on a far more level playing field than Australia.”


“Australia needs a long-term plan across education sectors: from early childhood, to schools, universities and the TAFE, which includes plans for supporting and strengthening teacher education in all those sectors.”


The publication also comments, “Australia needs a louder public conversation about its education and lobbying to shift how they value and invest in education.”


“When Germany was shocked by its first performance on the 2000 PISA assessment, it started a national conversation that saw education on the front pages of newspapers, radio- and television current affairs programmes for the next two years. Germany’s education has been improving ever since.”


If Australia, like South Africa, wants to build a strong and competitive economy, it needs fewer front-page articles on budget cuts ad more on reform and investment in education. However, if South Africa would adopt Australia’s educational model, it would marginalize local Black youth again.


What motivated South Africa to take Australia and the Commonwealth’s educational model up, whilst there are countries that excel in education? Was this part of the secret Sunset Clauses too, to ensure the failure of national education in South Africa? Was South Africa set up to fail again?


Obviously, the children suffer the consequences. Compared to the elitist private schools, underfunding and bad administration in public schools retain economic and class discrimination. Disadvantaged children will again fall by the wayside in the country’s restructuring of the economy. The old status quo is cunningly maintained.


South Africa’s Democratic Teachers’ Union (SADTU) and related organisations stopped debating education to focus on collective bargaining. Understandably so. But, education remains top priority. Meanwhile, what happened to the Civics?


South Africa remains the only country in the world where the majority of the population does not take a lead in its educational system.


Like Germany, South Africa needs a committed broad civil society to debate the standard of the content in the black child’s education, as the majority remains excluded.

Highly respected stalwarts Curtis Nkondo and Fanyana Mazibuko had set an example. Where are South Africa’s teachers today? Why are the teachers not addressing the system and oversee that the system is working? The public debate on education in South Africa in 2016 is postponed. It will come back to bite, more particularly the economic sector.







Mature SWAPO’s War For Freedom

SWAPO Party’s war against the illegal and illegitimate occupiers of Namibia and their hated colonial-apartheid laws and structures, was a war for freedom. It is history that SWAPO and its formidable armed wing, the People’s Liberation Army of Namibia (PLAN) won the war and finally the democratic elections back in 1989. Independence followed on 21 March 1990.

Indigenous African Namibians were finally set free. They could go wherever they wanted to and set up business wherever they needed to and were given access to their land, which they could till. However, a part of commercial farmland remained in the hands of those, who benefitted from the former occupiers, Germany and South Africa.

As the late struggle stalwart, Ruth First, documented in her book, “South West Africa”, “The crowding of Africans into small Reserves has undermined their subsistence economy, while taxes have only increased their impoverishment. Labour regulations decree that a tribesman may enter a labour area and earn a cash wage, to pay his tax and tide his family over a short period in their rural slum, but that he must return home at the end of his labour contract.”

During those cruel and disrespectful times, the force of law backed such actions.

In other words, indigenous African Namibians, or original Namibians, were guests in their own land providing cheap and restricted labour. At the same time they remained imprisoned in structured poverty.

“Thus, each Reserve, town, or farming area (including mines) is an island surrounded by a sea of restrictions. Once a man is ordained to live and work in one area, there is little or nothing that he can do to change his situation. If he steps beyond the limits recorded in his passes, he risks arrest by the police, the detectives in plain clothes, the labour inspectors, who search everyone for transgressors.”

Ruth First recorded the above in her historic book, “South West Africa”, published in 1963.

The revolutionary movement of the masses of Namibia, SWAPO, led by its president Sam Nujoma, was formed on 19 April 1960. The liberation movement stood its ground undisputedly in the van of the Namibian people’s struggle. The war for freedom lasted until March 1989.

“All the Africans of South West Africa, whether Ovambo, or Herero, Nama or Damara, were subject to the same exploitation. The workers in the migrant labour camps – unfit for human occupation – saw that unity across all tribal barriers was their only weapon against their oppressors. Since that time Sam Nujoma has felt a deep commitment to this solidarity.”

Researchers, historians and authors Alfred Babing and Hans-Dieter Braeuer reported the above in their book, “Namibia”.

Why does this writer refer to the above now in 2014? Well, history seems forgotten as soon as the struggle was over and freedom had been achieved. New developments cast their shadows. It seems that whatever the SWAPO-led government does, it is severely criticised that it is “corrupt and not doing enough for the people of Namibia”. Younger generations with the assistance of the media seem to expect a social welfare state, where government does everything for the people. Instant gratification trends the world over.

Observing global destabilisation and a debt holocaust, massive unemployment and poverty setting in everywhere, Namibia seems quite well off. So-called “Arab Springs” and anarchy, regime changes and economic disintegration make headline news daily. The Afghanistan/Iraq/Egypt/Libya/Syria/Sudan/Ukraine and Yemeni wars speak for themselves.

To date, Namibians live in a peaceful environment with an existing and managed infrastructure. Namibia is well known for its peace and cleanliness, its accommodating hospitality and tourist influx from Europe and South Africa.

Black and white Namibians live peacefully next to one another. City, towns and rural areas boast good living standards. Hotels, restaurants, roads, shopping malls and telecommunication systems are readily available. The country’s middle class has grown, still benefiting from Namibia’s welcoming society.

The port of Walvis Bay is currently undergoing an infrastructural development boom. The export industry has taken off. Namibia’s economy grows despite a global economic meltdown.

The country is a member of the regional Southern African Development Community (SADC), the African Union (AU), and the UNO and keeps its close financial and economic ties with South Africa and Germany and the international community.

Of course, the poor classes cannot be wished away and need urgent attention. They were victims of colonial-apartheid’s structures of poverty. It would take time, commitment, guidance, education and social welfare to support them out of their poverty.

However, SWAPO Party has succeeded to turn an enslaved indigenous African Namibian community into a growing and solid nation with hope for a better future. Namibia’s young with their access to a better education and therefore, with greater possibilities to participate in the economy, has never had such opportunities before.

SWAPO Youth League has its role to play by informing the youth of the sacrifices their parents and grandparents made. History should be made obligatory so that the slaughter of their forefathers in Namibia, in neighbouring countries and at Kassinga for example, will never be forgotten. This is the history of SWAPO’s brothers and sisters of this region in their joint struggle against imperialist, racial occupation and exploitation. They include South Africa’s African National Congress (ANC), Angola’s MPLA, Mozambique’s Frelimo, Zambia’s weakened UNIP and Zimbabwe’s ZANU-PF.

Today SWAPO Party demonstrates mature African politics based on Christian principles. It commands the respect of all, who live on the land. Such respect includes good and critical advice and guidance, hard work and the support those deserve who were prepared to give their lives for the freedom of the future generations.

SWAPO Party decided in its last Congress to have Right Honorable Dr. Hage Geingob as party president. This decision is respected as it shows mature political leadership. How often was SWAPO Party described as “the new colonisers of Namibia”, as its leadership consisted of strong Ovambo representation and the Ovambo are the biggest people of the country?

SWAPO Party demonstrates that it is not an ethnic party, but a unifier for all people living in Namibia. Party president, Dr. Hage Geingob, a member of the indigenous Damara people, proves that the ruling party has no ethnic factionalism.

Another term under SWAPO Party leadership would ensure continuity and stability.

Does South Africa’s Public Protector Have Her Own Political Agenda?

What seems clear for the ruling African National Congress’s former military wing, Umkhonto we Sizwe and its Veterans’ Association (MKVA) is, as it is often said, “We know an enemy agent by his/her conduct.”

At the same time they admit, “It is difficult to prove that a spy is a spy. But, as former MK members, we know how foreign intelligence works. We have that expertise among us.”

The ANC is however, not alone with the experience and knowledge, who a foreign-linked agent is and who infiltrated the ruling party and its alliance partners.

Namibia’s SWAPO Party, Angola’s MPLA, Mozambique’s Frelimo and Zimbabwe’s ZANU-PF have similar experiences and knowledge. Those foreign-linked agents often occupy strategic key positions and some of them even pose as populists such as Ronnie Kasrils. They often stand accused of attempting to ferment factionalism, an age-old tactic to divide and destroy ruling parties that grew from popular liberation struggle movements.

In the case of South Africa it seems that pressure is continuously applied from many sides to discredit and possibly topple the head-of-state. That war of attrition has long been taken to the corporate mainstream media. The president’s private home, Nkandla, is in the focus of a host of political opposition parties, academics, the judiciary, the owners of the economy and their media.

The Public Protector’s head, advocate Thuli Madonsela, leading the investigations of the funds spent on Nkandla, has taken her report to the same public platform. She challenges the head-of-state, using the media. Advocate Madonsela and the corporate media have found president Zuma guilty of having taken R246million from the public coffers.

The Public Protector is a Chapter-9 Institution and therefore, answerable to parliament. According to the constitution of the land, all Chapter-9 Institutions, without exception, have to follow the rules as laid down by parliament. They have to submit their reports to parliament first. The media should not be approached and should certainly not be put above parliament.

Not so, advocate Madonsela seems to argue. She seems above the constitution of the country. In fact, she now seems to be more powerful than parliament and the president together. In other words, she wilfully ignores the existing rules. In that context, her approach could be viewed as unconstitutional and unprocedural.

After careful research, such action could be seen as treasonous. Is Thuli Madonsela aware that she could have committed high treason? As one constitutional lawyer put it, “Advocate Madonsela’s actions of attacking the head-of-state from the public platform of the media, has fallen directly into the ambit of high treason. It could be interpreted as an attempt to assist with overthrowing the head-of-state. There is no debate. She could be charged with high treason.”

By definition, high treason according to the Oxford dictionary is “the crime of betraying one’s country esp. by attempting to kill the sovereign, or overthrow the government.”

“Madonsela engaged in discrediting the president and parliament, taking a stand in the court of public opinion, judging and finding the president guilty”, a senior member of the ANC NEC and NWC explained under the condition of anonymity.

In addition to above, Madonsela was meant to have a meeting in Harare, Zimbabwe, last year to address the ruling party and its leadership as well as the media there on her report on president Jacob Zuma’s private home, Nkandla. She was to attack Zuma from a public platform there coming in from outside South Africa. That would have caused division in the SADC region.

However, President Robert Mugabe would not have this. He did not allow Madonsela to use Zimbabwe as her platform to conduct her nefarious political agenda against South Africa’s head-of-state and commander-in-chief.

In addition to above, Zimbabwe’s authorities, as well as Kenya’s government know the Kenyan academic, professor Shedrack Gutto and his role as a political commentator and agitator well. He became a naturalised South African where he is now based as a constitutional law expert and director for the Centre for African Renaissance Studies at UNISA.

A reliable source explains, “In that capacity he acts as Madonsela’s political advisor. He has become a media celebrity, always commenting from every media platform on political and so-called constitutional matters. Gutto uses Madonsela to attack South Africa’s president.”

Many senior ANC NEC and NWC members angrily insist, “Gutto’s South African citizenship will have to be revoked with immediate effect. He should return to his home country (Kenya) and face the music for reasons of political agitation.”

“Forget reducing the attack from ministers and deputy ministers on Madonsela as a mere political attack. She is viewed to have committed high treason and should be charged for it.”

It has been clearly put to this writer, “South Africa’s public protector is not above the head-of-state and commander-in-chief. Neither are she and her chapter-9 institution above parliament. Madonsela should not be allowed to discredit the country’s souvereign structures.”

Twitter Handle: @theotherafrika

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South Africa’s Economy Owners Throw Stones From Glass Houses (Part 1)

One of South Africa’s wealthiest businessmen, Johan Rupert, chairman of Remgro, attacked the ruling African National Congress (ANC) when he accused the leadership and its government saying, “Corruption, interference with the courts and red tape, that stymied business growth, are insults to the people of the country.”

Rupert’s business empire is one of the largest in South Africa, second only to that of the Oppenheimer family.

The Remgro group of the Ruperts owns Africa’s largest media empire among many other established industries. It has spread its wings to China and Scandinavia, building and owning 30% of China’s Ten-Cent-Internet network.

This vast media empire in South Africa includes Nasionale Pers, Media 24, DSTV/Multi Choice, and an investment in the free-to-air television operator, also having offered to buy out a major share in the Caxton media house. Rupert’s media company further bought out Namibia’s ‘Democratic Media Holdings (DMH)’, also known as Dirk Mudge Holdings.

And, this is merely the tip of the iceberg. The influence of the Rupert Empire is huge. It is almost as big as that of the Oppenheimers.

How can any fair market participation grow in a country, where exclusive cartelised oligopolies, including the corporate media, rule the day? Government’s red tape was firmly lobbied in place for the ruling party to protect the vast business interests of its historic owners. As a result many new rulers were compromised and the masses dumped in structured poverty.

The disingenuous structures put in place by the owners of the economy understand their strategies to achieve their goals. It is about paying the lowest wages and making the highest profits, stealing from the taxpayers, as for example, the country’s construction industry did in the run-up to the FIFA World Cup, winning tenders for building the stadia and the road infrastructure.

It is about raiding the state coffers, paying minimal tax, at the same time insulting the ruling ANC, Namibia’s SWAPO Party and Zimbabwe’s ZANU-PF to successfully marginalise the indigenous masses, openly displaying unrepentant rightwing mafia-style operations. The Mafia-style plunder-barons have no shame, no scruples, deploying their corporate media cartel, blaming the slide of the ZAR currency and the low performance of the economy on “those incompetent and corrupt blacks”.

The strategies of the rightwing, mafia-style architects of apartheid to protect their status quo have become more sophisticated since Europe colonised Africa over three-hundred-and-sixty years ago.

To date, the disadvantaged remain the disadvantaged, being accused of “laziness, entitlement and ruining South Africa’s big companies and their economy.” Meanwhile, the oligarchs have long taken their assets offshore. At the same time, the indigenous labour force is further insulted and accused of being “responsible for ruining the labour market and work opportunities by demanding a living wage”.

In other words, the historic plunder-barons do not wish to be giving up their slave trade and their loot. They lobby for questionable “checks and balances” and “minority rights” to re-enforce structured poverty and the status quo.

Welcome to sunny South Africa! It is about legalised corruption to get the best deals, abusing those with ‘political connections’ to get government contracts and tenders. “Those ANC blacks” with their close connections dance to the tune of the pipers’ pay-cheques, singing their praises. Their counterparts in the US would be described as “house niggers”, who have succumbed to the temptation of seven pieces of silver. In South Africa they would be described as “sell outs”. Their names are known, as they appear on the boards of banks, the construction industry, the mining companies, the mobile-phone industry and other sectors of South Africa and the region’s economy. It is common knowledge that fronting has become a lucrative business for a select few.

One should expect that double standards would not be part of a balanced, independent and unbiased media. But, the corporate media is answerable to its owners. Its platforms are used against the leadership of the black masses to sow confusion. The tactics to discredit and undermine have never changed. They have become more sophisticated.

There are many more cases of price-fixing, of hidden opportunistic theft and fraud in South Africa’s private business sector, such as the massive assault on the value of the ZAR currency, the colluded price-fixing of the fish, bread, milk, sugar, cement, petrol and gas, fertiliser industries.

My next column, as Part 2 will document a host of private sector scams to defraud the state coffers and steal taxpayers’ money, literally taking the basic food out of the mouths of the poor masses. Yet, they will not miss an opportunity to criticise and undermine the ANC. One would think that those, living in glasshouses couldn’t afford to throw stones.


My twitter handle: @theotherafrika

Namibia: Beautiful & Caring

Finish and Rhenish missionaries documented on their journeys into the far north of a part of South Western Africa, well before colonial borders divided nations and foreign settlers colonised Africa’s open and disciplined areas, that the Kwanyama people were a caring nation. They had looked well after their women and children, after their elderly and even after those, who could be seen as lazy. All had a place to live, to move and to be taken good care of. Their herds of cattle and goats were in good balance with the surrounds.

This humanity and respect for life was sincerely reflected in the way, the big Namibian family and its biggest member, SWAPO Party, has taken care of one of its good sons, the late Minister Abraham Iyambo, when he had fallen ill and eventually died. He was cared for all the way to his grave.

Now, compare this to the former occupants’ mindset of sowing death and destruction, when tens of thousands of indigenous Namibians were tortured and killed. Kassinga is a leading example of an evil, unchristian act of no respect for human life.

When colonialism, apartheid and land theft had taken their tolls, Namibia’s indigenous population was described as marauding, landless, thieving, amoral, filthy, lazy and war-thirsty and therefore, living beings of a much lower ilk. The history books of the colonial-apartheid-UDI-Cold War era reflected such. The rest is history too.

One of Namibia’s activists against colonial-apartheid occupation, the Reverend Michael Scott once prayed quietly, speaking the prayer the late Herero Chief, Hosea Kutako, spoke at the annual ceremony at the Okahandja graves of the Herero Chiefs: “Oh Lord, help us who roam about. Help us who have been placed in Africa and have no home of our own. Give us back a dwelling place … “

Today, after an enduring war against foreign occupation, life has changed in Namibia. As one lands at Windhoek’s Hosea Kutako International Airport, trained indigenous Namibians greet the incoming and outgoing visitors with reserved friendliness. Mostly indigenous Namibians run the airport’s businesses. The taxi drivers are indigenous people.

As one drives to Windhoek, near the former ‘Kapps Farm’, one has to stop at a checkpoint, to check car and driver. Again, it is a reserved, but friendly indigenous Namibian face that greets and might ask a question or two.

Once in Windhoek, there is a wide participation of indigenous people in the daily life of the country’s economy. Indigenous Namibians make up the hospital staff, the Namibian Police Services, the Armed Forces, the national and regional administration, the city council as well as many other professional services. In fact, some new, indigenous landowners take pride in their farms. This writer was invited to enjoy a hunt on one of the local indigenous African farms outside Omaruru. It was a healthy and enriching experience. Please note, I only watched how the Kudu was shot, as I am not a hunter.

The atmosphere throughout Namibia is laid back and peaceful. Like anywhere in the world, the poor and neglected have remained and need upliftment. Naturally, there are shortcomings that need to be addressed, as they are part of the responsibility of power and management.

Visitors and tourists alike, comment favourably on Namibia’s beauty, cleanliness and peacefulness.

 The difference in cultures and mindsets is also clear. The original Namibians have a more relaxed, open approach and respectful attitude to their fellow human beings. Those, who benefited from former colonial-apartheid, seem to remain welcome and enjoy their lives in Namibia too. But, the hurdle is not yet overcome. For example, the minority groups will not participate in the national celebrations of Kassinga Day, Independence Day and other such public holidays. Those minority groups seem to lead a shielded life, yet, enjoying all the benefits of the democracy and the economy of the Republic of Namibia. It would be good to see those too accepting Namibia’s hand of reconciliation with the grace it deserves.


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Undermining National Pride And The Moral Social Fibre, Destroys Society And Government

The next best thing to so-called ‘rebel’-, ‘civil’- and ‘tribal wars’ in Africa, a ‘North African-style Arab Spring’, engineered ‘xenophobia’ and the outcome of an evilly structured poverty is to undermine national pride and the moral social fibre through an intentional and deliberate neglect of the upkeep of the national infrastructure. It also eventually destroys the ruling party and disintegrates its voter base, leaving entire nations, countries and regions rudderless and hapless.  

The aforementioned focuses on three goals: (a) to undermine and destroy African society, showing the rest of the world that indigenous Africans are simply incompetent to rule, therefore (b) need to be re-colonised and (c) to achieve the proven racist, right-wing strategy of a fake, defined as ‘neo-liberalism’ and a so-called ‘free market economy’ to finally conquer Africa’s resources and cheap labour for next to nothing.

This goes back to the old, predictable ways of the race-based, neo-colonial efforts to corrupt and thereby over-compromise leadership, always manipulating particularly those in strategic key positions in governments and the ruling parties merely to collapse them. Corrupt ‘fronting’ is particularly popular among the neo-fascist rightwing owners of land and economy to fight off any possibilities of sharing in the economy.

After such corrupt influence taking, “former” colonial occupiers and Western powers, backing foreign interests in Africa, negotiated struggle movements throughout the continent out of their economic reform policies. This strategy applies particularly to eastern, southern and Francophone Africa.

All former struggle movements firmly believed that there would be no freedom without redistribution. On-the-ground research has proven that the majority of the electorate believes such to this day too. Towards the end of that so-called “Cold War” and immediately thereafter, many ‘former’ African colonies found themselves “in transition”.

In the case of South Africa, the Chicago School economists would have found it difficult to dismiss proposals in South Africa and other countries in similar positions, as relics of the past, insisting that only a so-called “free market” and “free trade” had the abilities to redress the criminal and deep inequalities.

In the case of the new South Africa, social researcher and author, Naomi Klein, writes in her book, “The Shock Doctrine”, “Today, South Africa stands as a living testament to what happens when economic reform is severed from political transformation. Politically, its people have the right to vote, civil liberties and majority rule. Yet, economically South Africa has surpassed Brazil as the most unequal society in the world.”

“To its enormous credit, South Africa’s ruling African National Congress (ANC) negotiated a relatively peaceful handover. However, it did not manage to prevent South Africa’s colonial-apartheid-era rulers from wreaking havoc on their way out of the door. Unlike their counterparts in Mozambique, the Nationalist Party did not pour concrete down elevator shafts. Their sabotage, equally crippling, was far subtler, and was all in the fine print of those historic negotiations.”

Naomi Klein made this realistic analysis of South Africa’s recent history in her book, “The Shock Doctrine”.

True colours were shown during the Codesa negotiations in Kempton Park, Johannesburg, between 1990 and 1994 when senior ANC and SACP stalwart, Joe Slovo, collaborated with colonial-apartheid President FW de Klerk to put into place a string of cripplingly restrictive  “sunset clauses”. All of them should however, be dropped by Cape Town’s Parliament in the course of next year, as their time has finally expired. Many senior ANC cadres accuse Slovo to this day of double-dealing and having sold out.

As was the case for decades, occupied Namibia served as colonial-apartheid National Party’s guinea pig. Namibia was released into independence just over four years before South Africa, on 21 March 1990, with an insurmountable debt to the former occupational apartheid regime of billions of Rands. This debt was however, written off under the rulership of retired President Nelson Mandela in Upington, South Africa, in December 1994. Mandela refused to hold Namibia hostage.

Today, South Africa’s still powerful corporate interests in Namibia remain strong. When Johannesburg sneezes, the entire SADC suffers from double pneumonia. This should however, not demoralise Namibia, Angola, Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Mozambique, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia, Zimbabwe and the DRC.

It is an important democratic duty to accept responsibility as a ruling power. It is therefore the imperative duty not to allow uncaring corporate power in their attempts to take influence over ruling parties and governments with the aim to discredit and destabilise. Good administration and the maintenance of all infrastructures will create a healthy society. To avoid such responsibility would be treasonous.


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