South Africa Today, The Script Unfolds …

South Africa’s recent election outcome with the ruling African National Congress (ANC) having lost hundreds of thousands of votes came and went as no surprise.

One of the major reasons seems to be, as repeatedly documented; the ANC has become insensitive to the poor majority and has to urgently redefine itself.

moneyIt will have to act on, for example, the e-tolls system and do away with rightwing policies forthwith. In fact, the ANC and its government will not get away without a high-quality, effective and efficient intelligence force, a force similar to that of Zimbabwe. ESKOM, Rand Water and the Traffic Departments are all in serious need of honest, hands-on management. Outsourcing has become a swear word and should be treated as such, because it is one of the roots of corruption.

About thirty years ago a group of well-qualified senior ANC intelligence officers read the strategy of the racist-apartheid Nationalist Party (NP) regime then, which was fully backed by the international West.

A small group of senior ANC NEC members explained under the condition of anonymity, “The White NP regime together with the owners of the economy collaborated as ‘architects-of-apartheid’. Their strategy was to unban the ANC, SACP, PAC, Cosatu and all its affiliates, to put together a multi-party democracy, as they had done in the late 1970s in occupied Namibia. Their “democratic model” would be a two-tier system, similar to the old Roman structures.”

“Their two-tier system would include a host of strategic structures such as the NP’s “regional governments”; the Progressive Federal Party (PFP)-Democratic Alliance (DA) “federal system”, which mischievous armchair academics describe as a “Swiss Canton model”; the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP) called it the “con-federal system” with the IFP ruling KwaZulu-Natal on its own and the apartheid-Homeland leaders like general Bantu Holomisa and Lucas Mangope, who would call that system ”Bantustans.”

“The above would leave the ANC, SACP, SACTU, COSATU on the outskirts of the corridors of government.”

Like SWAPO Party in Namibia, who was strongly against South Africa’s NP regime’s dictate with its huge host of 149 political parties then, competing against incoming SWAPO, the ANC intelligence officers and strategists were directly opposed against a similar strategy for South Africa.”

“Whittling down support of both liberation movements would create inflated and hugely expensive provincial governments with nine ministers and their staff complement for as many portfolios. This strategy would lead to ‘consumption expenditure’ instead of ‘infrastructural development expenditure’, this writer was told.

As it is today, the treasury pays 55% of the annual national budget towards the nine provincial administrations. If only a two-third majority in parliament would allow the number of provinces to be reduced to four, maximum five provinces, then central government and its treasury would simply have to cut its budget for the provinces.

The ANC team of strategists and intelligence officers also warned that the Western Cape would be won by an apartheid-colonial NP-alliance. That structure would establish a corridor through to the Free State Province and its capitol, Bloemfontein. The Gauteng Province would fall to the same DA conglomerate by 2019. Will the Gauteng Province ever return to the ANC mold again?

In above context, it is small wonder that ANC strategists and intelligence officers were not at all surprised at the Local Government elections outcome. In fact, the late Chris Hani did not support the regional government system in any way.

As revealed to this writer, “During the Codesa negotiations in 1994 the international West had forced the ANC team to adopt the secret “Sunset Clauses”, as developed by FW de Klerk and Joe Slovo. The alternative was that the racist-apartheid regime threatened, it would kill millions of native African South Africans in their townships by dropping nuclear devices on them.”

The same ANC intelligence officers further warned against “Chris Hani being murdered, as he stood in the way of the covert plotters. The enemy’s covert operations were to kill Hani, as he was intelligent and not corruptible. He understood the enemy tactics too well, including those of certain suspicious ANC leaders and insiders”, this commentator was told.

“The above-mentioned report included that covert operations would follow Hani’s murder up by character assassinating Thabo Mbeki and Jacob Zuma. Both were described as easy targets, as one had a drinking problem and the other a problem with women and money. Such character assassinations could lead to self-destruction. The ANC intelligence had warned the movement about such nefarious activities some thirty years ago.”

Recalled Thabo Mbeki met the EFF leaders on the eve of the elections. He also did not attend any of the ‘star rallies’ of his ruling party and avoided to go onto the campaign trail. When interviewed whom he would vote for, if, he expressed his abhorrence over corruption. Mbeki hinted about his vote and said, “The electorate would have to follow its conscience.” Did it not actually send a message to the ANC members not to vote?

The revered, late ANC President in exile, Oliver Reginald Tambo, maintained that no living being would be stronger than the ANC.

The late ANC and country president, Nelson Mandela, is on record having said in 1993 before he was elected as president of a new South Africa, “If people relax their vigilance, they will find their sacrifices have been in vain. If the ANC does not deliver the goods, the people must do to it what they have done to the apartheid regime … “

What is it that both above-mentioned leaders knew then already, that the rest of the leadership and its voters have not been exposed to?

Internationally renowned researcher, author and journalist, professor John Pilger commented, “The economic ‘growth’, which Nelson Mandela applauds, was once described by Joseph Schumpeter, the doyen of Harvard economists, as ‘creative destruction’.”

South African businessman, Mzi Khumalo, comments, “Three ways the White minority has outsmarted the native black majority in the democracy numbers game are:

  • They concentrated their numbers into the Western Cape and secured themselves a dominion. (This is similar to Namibia’s secessionists of the Caprivi Strip, which was argued and punished as “high treason”, this writer.)
  • They follow the divide and conquer strategy by promoting the EFF through the corporate mainstream media cartels and fund it to dilute the impact of Black unity.
  • They then convinced ANC voters that (president) Zuma is unacceptable to vote for, while convincing their most racist voters to vote for the DA, even if their leader is Black.”

“It’s not the ANC, who must smell the coffee, because they will loose power. It’s the Black voter who must smell the coffee, or loose political expression”, Mzi Khumalo explains.

Have power; patronage, resources and subsequent arrogance destroyed the ANC elite?

Have the academic and corporate mainstream media cartels’ propaganda war waged against the ANC, eventually contributed to the ANC’s demise?

Would the ANC be reduced to a rural political party by 2019, whereas the DA and its coalitions would ascend to become a multi-party, urban conglomeration, ruling South Africa?

In fact, the DA did not make any progress in these last elections. The ANC regressed, as voters simply did not vote. The DA rides on a tribal ticket to split the ANC. Have certain ANC factions, lobbied with outside interest groups to accept a “thirty-year-plan” to divide the amaZulu from within the ANC?

Senior ANC NEC sources under the condition of strict anonymity expect, “The funds for the EFF would be re-directed away from a dwindling Congress Of The People (COPE) to the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) to capture the youth and assist the DA in its move to enter the native Black living areas. But, once the EFF tastes power, it will self-destruct. It will be then that the former racist-apartheid NP and owners-of-the-economy’s offspring, the DA, will have used the EFF to its hilt and spit it out.”

South Africa’s judiciary would play a major role, as it slipped through the backdoor into the corridors of political power. The liberal abuse of the constitution has already become the order of the day. The electorate seems confused, who actually wields power in South Africa. However, the electorate understands the problems of the ANC leadership.

The election outcome unfolded exactly as analysed above.



How South Africa’s Economy Was Lost And Sold To The Highest Bidder

By Udo W. Froese: non-institutionalised, independent political- and socio-economic analyst and published columnist, based in Johannesburg, South Africa.

One of the center points at the Codesa negotiations focused on the new South Africa’s Ministry of Finance and the Reserve Bank. The incoming ANC-led government was conned out of the country’s finances from the onset.

The international West’s covert backers of apartheid South Africa and their lobbyists advised the ANC leadership during the Codesa negotiations, that South Africa is not ready for the cabinet position of the Minister of Finance. Nor is it ready to deliver the Governor of the Reserve Bank.

Why would those interests con the ANC team? Was it not to retain their own people in those positions? It also meant that the new, democratically elected ANC government would not be in charge of the government’s finances. The incoming ANC would certainly be disempowered.

Retired non-executive director of the South African Reserve Bank, Stephen Goodson, sums up the misleading advice the ANC received from so-called bank-experts, “Although the Freedom Charter of 26 June 1955 states that the banks and monopoly industry shall be transferred to the ownership of the people as a whole, this was obviously little more than rhetoric. The African National Congress was obliged to accept the existing financial paradigm, as they were unaware of any other alternative.”

Regarding the foreign Western and local apartheid interests in South and Southern Africa, Stephen Goodson had this to say, “Big business, led by Rothschild point men, Harry Oppenheimer and Anthony Rupert, provided the main impetus for installing a Black puppet government, as it would greatly enhance their markets both, locally and overseas and particularly, in Africa. One of the first acts of the ANC-led government was to reduce company taxation by a third and to permit large corporations to relocate their head offices and assets overseas.”

A case in point is the transfer of the diamond stockpile of DeBeers. During recalled, former president Thabo Mbeki’s reign and with the full assistance of the Mbeki government, DeBeers transferred its stockpile from South Africa to London. South Africa was left the poorer.

“The ANC was set up at Codesa. They thought the country was being handed over to them on a platter. But, they were in fact just being used by big corporate interests,” Goodson further explains.

All efforts were made to bully the ANC into submission. “There was a media perception that tribal violence was putting the ANC under pressure. But, the script had been planned years before by the ‘Council on Foreign Relations’ (CFR) and other similar organisations,” Goodson alleges, based on his research. The CFR is a Washington based think-tank and publisher.

In the years during the negotiations at Codesa, the violence in South Africa’s black living areas was viciously increased. The weekly newspaper, “Mail & Guardian (M&G)” described that urban warfare as “black-on-black violence”, quickly taken over as such by the entire media. Years later, apartheid super-spy Craig Williamson admitted at the “Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC)”, that the apartheid Military Intelligence (MI) and its covert operations, Civil Cooperation Bureau (CCB), had orchestrated the urban warfare between the ANC and Inkatha.

Was the deal negotiated at Codesa then a non-deal in bad faith? Goodson sums it up, “The non-deal has created a situation of economic enslavement, which will persist way beyond 2022.”

“The banks continue to exploit the masses through usury and excessive taxation. The local cartel is an important cog of the international banking cartel.”

South Africa’s finance ministry seems to refuse to protect the nation against foreign meddling in the country’s finances and economy. The ratings agencies and their hit men are ever present, although they have yet to make their main strike (led by Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan) with the West’s International Monetary Fund (IMF) and its “restructuring plan”. The ratings agencies continue to wield undue influence with their often recklessly irresponsible assessments.”

Just like his predecessor, Trevor Manuel and the former Reserve Bank Governor Tito Mboweni, the unqualified Finance Minister Pravin Gordhan seems to have feet of smoldering ashes, not even clay. Is the incumbent resting his feet in criminal activities? Why did South Africa’s media and Gordhan’s network of backers attack the investigators, the NPA, when it investigated his activities?

Why is it conveniently overlooked that under Gordhan the West’s IMF will enter South Africa to dictate its “restructuring plan”? How would that affect South Africa’s BRICS membership?

Political analyst, Tshepo Kgadima, refers below to the following analysis of the ‘Financial Intelligence Centre Bill’, which was first published in ‘The New Age’ on 6 July 2016.

“A draconian bank bill might soon be signed into law, which would be equal to financial tyranny. The lack of awareness and publicity, the absence of public debate around the Financial Intelligence Centre Amendment Bill (FICAB) allows Gordhan to execute what he does with impunity.”

The FICAB provision terms “Risk Management and Compliance Programme”, transfers power and authority to pass punitive sanction such as closing of a bank account and/or termination of services, from a transparent independent judicial process into the hands of what is defined as accountable institutions, i.e. banks, insurers, auditors, lawyers.

Once, FICAB has been signed into law, there will be no fair reasoning between the banks and the account holders. In other words, people will be judged without any fair hearing. The majority of the population will have hardly any further access to capital, loans and other bank services.

If South Africans would be informed and able to participate in the debate about the banking cartel’s plans, structures and strategies, they would realise the frightening speed, “banking and financial institutions have gone ahead to profile and take punitive sanction of terminating services and closing bank accounts of clients using the new FICAB provisions.”

This draconian legislation will transfer absolute power and authority to the banking institutions, closing accounts of clients without transparent legal due process and recourse.

The above-mentioned is a form of financial anti-democratic destabilisation. In fact, FICAB would further lead to capital flight, attacks on the value of the Rand and massive bankruptcies.

Analysts and economists such as Tshepo Kgadima condemn the new FICA law as “financial tyranny and assault on the civil liberties, as enshrined in Chapter two of the Bill of Rights of the Constitution.”

It is hoped that President Zuma has been informed about the new FICAB bill and the suffering that FICAB would cause the majority of the population. It would be equal to rule of fear and terrorising the nation. Hopefully, President Zuma will not sign that draconian Amendment Bill into Law.

As a democratically elected head-of-state and commander-in-chief of the armed forces, it is President Zuma’s implicit duty to protect the nation. Local and foreign interests with their hidden agendas should not be able to dictate financial and economic policies.

In all fairness, it is important that the NPA investigates Gordhan and charges him. If the late, former President Nelson Mandela and the incumbent, President Jacob Zuma had their days in court, why should Gordhan not be tried? Is he above the law? The contrary is the case. He should be given the same space to defend, or hang himself. Is Gordhan immune to any investigations?

There are tens of thousands of highly qualified indigenous Black South Africans, who would be fit for Gordhan’s job. They are advocates, engineers, chartered accountants and scientists. What is Gordhan’s financial background? Who makes up his lobby group, guiding and protecting him? On whose authority is appointed Gordhan acting with impunity?

Why does it seem impossible for the ANC-led government to appoint a qualified finance minister outside the corporate banking cartel and its lobby groups, who understands the world of finance?

A solution could be to appoint a focused and respected financial guru, who would stay away from the West’s Bretton Woods Institutions. South Africa is a member of BRICS. The new minister of finance has to work with BRICS. A new finance minister would have to assist to decolonize South Africa and the SADC.


Twitter handle: @theotherafrika

The ANC And The Enemy Within

Many perceived recalled former president Thabo Mbeki and his brother, Moeletsi, as not seeing eye to eye. However, this is a mere perception. The Mbeki brothers are also perceived to be stalwarts of the African National Congress. This perception is based on the good work of their respected father, the late Govan Mbeki.

Out of respect for Mbeki senior, Oliver Reginald Tambo, then ANC president in exile, took care of his son, Thabo Mbeki, and mentored him.

As time passed by however, it seemed as if OR Tambo had his doubts. Tambo is on record having said, “That Thabo is such a clever young man, but I always have to keep a close eye on him, because he tends to wander off. He would cause my death, if I am not careful.” OR Tambo’s statement was printed by author William Mervin Gumede in his book, “Thabo Mbeki and the battle for the soul of the ANC.”

At the same time, Zimbabwe’s president, Robert Mugabe, took in Thabo’s younger brother, Moeletsi. Brother Moeletsi received his education courtesy of president Mugabe and a job with the Zimbabwean national newspaper, ‘The Herald’, where he worked as a political editor. In addition, a house, a bodyguard/driver and a car were availed. Zimbabwe’s president did so out of respect for Moeletsi’s late father, Govan Mbeki.

However, soon after Moeletsi Mbeki returned home from exile, he accepted the position of deputy head of the South African Institute of International Relations (SAIIR) at Jan Smuts House, University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, he suffered from amnesia, denouncing and discrediting Zimbabwe’s head of state from every available platform.

During the “cold war” it was clear that the ANC in exile, as well as the ANC in underground at home in South Africa sympathised with the Soviet Union, the Eastern Bloc and Cuba, as well as with the Non-Aligned states. The ANC was a revolutionary people’s movement.

Oliver R. Tambo also worked closely with Chris Hani, who not only headed the military wing in exile, Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK). When Hani became leader of the SACP, he resigned from MK. He was Moscow-friendly and hugely popular both, in exile and South Africa. At the first ANC national conference in Durban soon after the unbanning, Chris Hani received most votes, while Mbeki came a distant second.

Many senior ANC members in exile soon realised that “Thabo Mbeki had to be closely monitored”, as … “his flirtations with the imperial international West had become obvious and uncomfortable.” It was openly asked, “Does Cde. President OR (Tambo) not realise how close the Sussex educated Thabo Mbeki has grown to a host of foreign interests (meaning foreign intelligence agencies)?” Tambo however, knew.

Having been heavily overworked, Tambo had his first stroke. The late Joe Modise, who later became minister of defence, admitted that OR Tambo had been overworked.

Zambia’s president Kenneth Kaunda organised a mobile clinic with medical specialists from Sweden. He sent his official car to the Gaobepe residence in Lusaka where Tambo lived, to collect the ANC president. But, Tambo was not at home.

His host, the late Mary Gaobepe, did not want to take the responsibility to wait for Tambo to return. She took Kaunda’s delegation to Thabo Mbeki’s residence. Mbeki gave his undertaking that he would forward Kaunda’s message to Tambo.

The very next evening OR Tambo arrived at the Gaobepe home, surprised when asked, if he had not been informed by Thabo Mbeki about Kaunda’s efforts. According to Mary Gaobepe, Oliver Tambo remarked, “This is not the first time that young Thabo withheld crucial information from me.”

Chris Hani made no bones of his dislike of Thabo Mbeki’s drive for the ANC leadership to become part of the West. He went as far as approaching the then newly elected head of the ANC intelligence, Jacob Zuma, to mention Mbeki’s close foreign intelligence links.

Hani further explained his concern about Mbeki to many of the senior MK cadres in exile in Angola, Tanzania and Zambia. It seemed an open secret in the exiled ANC community that Mbeki always played for the opposing side, whilst pretending to be an ANC leader.

Mbeki often travelled to London and other Western capitals where he met with representatives of foreign interest groups.

On a flight from London to Johannesburg Mbeki was heard saying, “I don’t care for the poor. All I care for is power.” His fellow travellers expressed their shock.

The ambitious, West-focused, pipe smoking and Whisky drinking habits were obvious. Winnie Mandela remarked about Thabo Mbeki, “He has internalised the Britishness to such an extend that the British Queen should knight him to become the Duke of Idutjwa (in the Eastern Cape).”

Mbeki almost succeeded in factionalising the ANC in exile. However, it did not come without a price. When Mbeki travelled to Luanda, Angola, he was incarcerated and spent time behind bars for, “betraying the course of the ANC”. Angola’s incumbent president, Eduardo dos Santos, gave the instruction. This was to ensure that the ANC in Lusaka would not be sold out and its leadership ousted, replaced by pro-Western agents. Later, Tambo called Dos Santos to release Mbeki.

This was also the reason for the total lack of contact between South Africa and Angola from 1994 until 2008. As soon as Mbeki had been recalled and Jacob Zuma took over as ANC and country president, relations between the two countries normalised.

The international West developed the political power strategy of the “Domino Theory”. That theory worked like a domino effect on southern African states. As one liberation movement would be elected to take over government, the next would follow. The last would be South Africa.

At the same time the United States of America founded the ‘African-American Institute (AAI)’. The Lusaka Manifesto was created. From that Manifesto the “Domino Theory” grew. The ‘Africa 2000’ programme developed. It was a lobby group. The AAI recruited many cadres from African liberation movement for training. That training was done to educate the cadres from the ANC, which would eventually hollow the independence of new African states out and make them dependent on the US and the rest of the international West. It was the beginning of the “constructive engagement”.

Africa’s new leadership became divided. The “former” colonial masters retained the old status quo.

Thabo Mbeki fitted into this new development. He surrounded himself with friends, cabinet members, senior government and parastatal officials and chapter 9 institutions who without exception, have serious question marks over their past and how they got into strategic leadership positions.

Under Mbeki’s ANC presidency all branches of the ruling party were starved of funds and communication. He centralised power under him from ANC headquarters. Mbeki was disregarded for his Machiavellian style of manipulative rule through fear.

As soon as Mbeki became South Africa’s next president, he refused to take any of retired president Nelson Mandela’s calls. After eighteen months of being snubbed by Mbeki, Mandela undertook to walk to the office of the president to meet with him. Throughout, Mbeki openly showed his disrespect for Nelson Mandela.

Despite a massive campaign against Jacob Zuma, despite the assistance of state organs and the assistance of the intelligence machine, a Fifth Column and their henchmen- and women were not able to fend off the power of Jacob Zuma. “Now, out of office and out of power they will not rest until they have achieved their goal, which is countrywide anarchy.”

After the ANC conference in the northern city of Polokwane in December 2007, the ANC had no option, but to recall Mbeki. According to senior ANC NEC and NWC members, “Mbeki was considered a security risk.”

“It is also interesting to observe, how brothers Thabo and Moeletsi Mbeki covertly operate in the political field of South Africa, consulting for and guiding many of the opposition political structures” says one of the senior ANC leaders.

A senior member of the ANC NEC and NWC, who spoke to this writer under the condition of anonymity said, “Public protector, Thuli Madonsela, and the “African Women Lawyers’ Association” from outside Bizana in the Eastern Cape Province seem to count among their guides Thabo Mbeki, UNISA law professor from Kenya, Shedrack Gutto and judge Denis Davis.” It was during Mbeki’s presidency that Gutto received his South African citizenship and passport.

The Mbeki brothers actively work towards their political goal, which is not necessarily that of the ANC or, of South Africa.

Twitter handle: @theotherafrika

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Post-Election South Africa: Ruling ANC Won With Reduced Support

“The People Shall Govern,” was the slogan of the African National Congress. Today in 2014 South Africa’s ruling party is home and free, remaining in the lead. It governs the country with a comfortable majority, though having lost many votes.

For over thirty years the ANC worked underground, analysing and projecting the ‘motive forces’ at play. At the same time it provided the internal leadership with vision and guidance. Despite an inaccessible hostile propagandistic media during apartheid and beyond, the ANC dealt with the hard issues on the ground, always reaching the masses.

But, since its return home in 1990, the ANC was unable to galvanise and mobilise the masses. It lost its vision and momentum and failed to share its analysis and guiding through hands-on information. What has happened?

Two realistic factors seem to play a more or less influential role, which saw the ANC shedding 10%, receiving 53.92% of the vote in the Gauteng province and 62.15% nationally.

One is the role played by recalled, former president Thabo Mbeki. The other is that of the lesser effective, but hostile propaganda machine – the corporate mainstream media.

Johannesburg, Ekurhuleni (East Rand), Mogale City (West Rand) and Tshwane (Pretoria) all in the Gauteng province, were the centre of all political activities during the anti-apartheid struggle. In those years it was known as the Pretoria-Witwatersrand-Vereeniging (PWV) area in the province of Transvaal.

A leadership inside the country, particularly in the province of Transvaal then, grew from within the indigenous black African communities. They became well known, respected leaders. The leadership of the United Democratic Front (UDF) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) was based in Johannesburg. It was hugely popular, as the ANC leaders in exile were outside the country and not visible in the daily lives of the indigenous black African majority at home, where townships were under siege.

Senior ANC NEC and NWC members, who spoke to this writer on condition of anonymity, explained the developing history, “When the ANC was unbanned and returned home, its leaders were viewed as a threat to the popular leadership in the townships. Having spent decades in exile, they were not known among the masses in the PWV area.”

They further point out, “On landing in South Africa in 1990, Thabo Mbeki acted swiftly, dispersing all of them. To fill that vacuum, Mbeki replaced the tried and tested internal leaders with his unknown newcomers, who had no following and a questionable background. Even those, who worked with Mbeki in Lusaka, found themselves isolated and forgotten. The ANC’s voice of ‘Radio Freedom’ in Lusaka, Tom Sebina and his brother were a case in point. Both were reduced to beggars, who died in a shack in Soweto in abject poverty like many others.”

A question always raised is, “Where is the leadership that remained inside South Africa, more particularly in the PWV area/Gauteng Province from the 1970s to the early 1990s?” Today in 2014 they are nowhere to be seen, as Thabo Mbeki had gotten rid of all of them. He also dispersed the South African Youth Congress (SACO), an affiliate of the United Democratic Movement (UDM).

“A range of politicians identified by Thabo Mbeki replaced them. They became the recalled, former president’s protégés and were appointed premiers of Gauteng province. However, these premiers are not grounded in the Gauteng community. They never had any constituency to support them,” the respected, well-known ANC cadres stated.

According to said senior leaders of the movement, “Mbeki’s strategically placed ‘leaders’ do not have the experience to work with the people on the ground. It has created a distance between communities and leadership.”

They persistently ask, “Where is the leadership that fought against the Casspirs, the sharpshooters of the brutal apartheid armed forces under Botha and De Klerk from the 1970s to the 1990s? Some of them went to Parliament, others became young ambassadors and the rest were just forgotten. Today, they are not anywhere near current leadership.”

“Mbeki headed government from May 1994, first as deputy president under Nelson Mandela, where he actually administered the day-to-day issues. Mandela was merely a figurehead,” this writer was told.

Under Mbeki’s rulership the unity and cohesion of the ANC unravelled. That has led to splinter groups leaving the ANC, such as COPE. As Mbeki was recalled, a host of cabinet members resigned. Seriously competitive jostling for vacant positions on national-, provincial- and city levels followed as a result.

“South Africa’s urban centres go through similar pains. What can be done to correct the current situation before 2019? Those, who deployed new leaders into strategic key positions, will have to answer.”

Many respected senior members of the ANC leadership made it clear that (a) the tried and tested leaders would have to be brought back to their rightful positions in their communities, thereby firmly abandoning the party boss system. In addition, (b) there is no alternative to a Constituent Assembly, as the current system is failing. Both aforementioned efforts would counter political opportunism and patronage. It would assure the support of the masses.

“After the recent elections the ANC has indeed no choice at all, but to reflect on these issues, if it wants to retain its majority vote by 2019,” ANC NEC and NWC members stress.

Meanwhile, South Africa’s rightwing corporate mainstream media has used its platform to influence the public mind. Where indigenous black African South Africans were labelled as “communists” and “terrorists” up to 1994, today they are branded as a “corrupt, leaderless elite” with “Nkandla” and “Gupta-gate” as their examples.

Opposition parties focused on spiced-up negatives within the ruling party and government only, not offering a realistic, constructive way forward.

The media played its role in knocking 3% off the previous vote of 65%, bringing it down to 62.15%. Its tried and failed propaganda has no bearing on the decision making process of the majority of the population. The media has had no influence on the thought processes to date.

The intelligence of the masses should not be underestimated. They think for themselves, refusing to be viewed by the media as “black boys and girls”.

Reporters and their mischievous academic analysts with little knowledge and less insight attempt to shape the propaganda to influence a people alien to them. Their personalised attacks on leaders and the ruling ANC reflects a Eurocentric mindset with no space for African culture, history, socialism and democracy.

The media badgered the ANC and reported positively on the opposition. Such media-campaign could render it obsolete with negligible influence.

The above has been described as a “form of exclusive neo-apartheid based on the understanding of the owners of the economy and the media cartel.”


My twitter handle: @theotherafrika

Where History Is Based On Lies

Picture this – you land at Cape Town’s international airport on your way to the beautiful “mother city” of South Africa.


As you leave the building on the way to the city, your eyes wander across to look at the splendor of Table Mountain. Strikingly, you first see a sea of shacks as far as your eyes stretch. The people living there are black African South Africans, living in absolute squalor. Welcome to DA City, proudly presented as the success of the opposition Democratic Party, a city, where everything works. Or so it’s propagated.


South Africa’s former, re-called president Thabo Mbeki quoted an academic from the University of Stellenbosch, Amanda Gouws, as he did not want to be accused of playing the race card, if he made the comments himself, referring to the utterings of the DA, that his remarks were racist:


“The struggle against racism will be with us for a long time. This is because the racist legacy of colonialism and apartheid will be with us for long time,” Mbeki stated.


Mr. Mbeki went further in his reference to the Democratic Alliance (DA) leader’s accusations when he stated that there were “some” who felt that black South Africans should say nothing about the hurt they felt because it was “a denial of the search for national reconciliation”. He described those accusations as “a deceitful political manoeuvre to achieve short-term political gain.”


Colonial-apartheid-UDI history was always used to not only confuse Africans, but also to mislead the white mindset with inaccuracies. The founding of South Africa’s Democratic Party, the Helen Suzman Foundation and their leadership, are just two of such examples.


How was the Democratic Party/Alliance (DP/DA) founded? Who were its founders and what was its true position then and what is it today? Who are the people behind it? What has changed since then in the late 1980s?


The Democratic Party (DP), or as it is called now, the Democratic Alliance (DA), was founded in the opulent Saxonwold, Johannesburg villa of the white rugby boss of South Africa and senior member of the secret brotherhood, ‘Afrikaaner Broederbond (AB)’, Dr Louis Luyt.


Dr Luyt was for a long time the president of the South African Rugby Union (SARU), at that time being a racist apartheid organisation, discriminating against the black majority. Dr Luyt was also involved in the Information Scandal in the 1970s under the late Prime Minister John Vorster and his Cabinet member, Dr Connie Mulder — he, who once said on SABC TV news that there will be no blacks living in South Africa, motivating the creation of Bantustans, also known as Homelands, similar to the American Homelands for the indigenous Indians.


The late dr. Connie Mulder is the father of the Mulder brothers, who lead the archconservative Freedom Front Plus (FF+). He too was a senior member of the Afrikaaner Broederbond.


One of Mulder senior’s cohorts in the Information Scandal was Dr Eschel Rhoodie. Dr. Luyt founded the South African English daily newspaper with funds from the notorious Information Scandal, during which hundreds of billions of taxpayers’ money were stolen and laundered. Last apartheid president, F.W. de Klerk, was a senior minister in that same cabinet and a high-ranking member of the Afrikaaner Broederbond (AB).


Dr. Luyt founded ‘The Citizen’ newspaper. It was funded from the money the Information scandal had embezzled. His drive was to give the apartheid Nationalist Party government an English daily medium platform in support of the already existing ‘Sunday Times’.


Today, the Caxton Group publishes ‘The Citizen’. It is their flagship.


The late Dr Luyt lived in retirement in Balito Bay, Durban.


Another founding father of the Democratic Party was the former chairman of the powerful, covert and exclusive Afrikaaner Broederbond (AB, an elite brotherhood), then also rector of the Randse Afrikaanse University (RAU, today University of Johannesburg, UJ) in Johannesburg. The late dr. Wimpie de Klerk eventually had become the editor of the Afrikaans Sunday paper, Rapport. He was the brother of former apartheid president of South Africa, F. W. de Klerk.


A former executive director of the powerful Anglo American Corporation (AAC) and member of colonial-apartheid parliament, however serving the white opposition party, the Progressive Federal Party (PFP), the late dr. Zach de Beer, counts among the founders of the DP/DA.


Apartheid ambassador to the Court of St. James in London, Dr Dennis Worral too was part of the founding team. Another member of the white opposition party, PFP, in Cape Town’s Parliament and co-founder of the Institute for a Democratic Alternative for South Africa (IDASA), the late Afrikaaner academic and multi-millionaire businessman, former rugby player, dr. Frederik van Zyl Slabbert made his contribution. One time priest and co-founder of the PFP and IDASA, dr. Alex Boraine, made his contribution into the foundation of the DP also.


So did the attorney from the Johannesburg suburb of Randburg, Wynand Malan. He too was a member of the Afrikaaner Broederbond.


It was clear then already that Dr. Zach de Beer was the link between South Africa’s powerful private business sector, Anglo American Corporation/De Beers and the owners of the mining industry and on the other hand, white political power in apartheid South Africa. Dr. Zach de Beer was also an Afrikaaner, however anglicised. He was also a Member of Parliament, where he first served the United Party, later the Progressive Party. Finally, De Beer assisted ably with the foundation of the Democratic Party.


From its inception the DP/DA was known as a joint venture of influential white-owned business and exclusively white-controlled power politics.


The late Helen Suzman was the founding mother. She had a foundation in her name, the ‘Helen Suzman Foundation’. Her foundation promotes the principles of a “US-approved, Western-style, neo-liberal capitalist democracy for Africa”.


The late Suzman served as one of the patrons of the above foundation. Suzman had also served for decades in the white colonial-apartheid parliament under various prime ministers and presidents such as Verwoerd, Vorster, Botha and De Klerk.


Margaret Thatcher’s former High Commissioner to colonial-apartheid South Africa, Lord Robin Renwick of Clifton; the former West German minister of finance, Dr Otto Count Lambsdorf, who headed the liberal German foundation, the Friedrich Naumann Foundation and linked to the liberal political party in Berlin, the Free Democrats (FDP) assisted the formation of the foundation.


Lord Robin Renwick of Clifton was known to be a trusted friend of Helen Suzman and a sympathiser of F.W. de Klerk.


Others were Colin Eglin, who together with Dr Zach de Beer were Suzman’s colleagues in Cape Town’s parliament, and the former Pan Africanist Congress (PAC – ‘one settler, one bullet’) Member of Parliament, Patricia de Lille. It makes sense that she returned home to the DA via her political creation, ‘Independent Democrats (ID)’. De Lille was not an elected Member of Parliament, but an appointed one.


The Helen Suzman Foundation networks with opposition parties in the Sadc region such as the Zimbabwean MDC-T, the Mozambican Renamo and Namibian political parties (opposing Swapo), in order to promote their philosophy of the “US-approved, Western neo-liberal capitalist democracy for Africa”.


It was Suzman through her party political seat in Johannesburg’s most affluent suburb of Houghton, who had groomed the former leader of the Democratic Party, the party that followed the PFP — Tony Leon.


Brothers Tony and Peter Leon are the sons of the retired South African judge, Ramon Leon. Leon senior was notorious during his years as a judge in apartheid South Africa, when he was feared as a “hanging judge”. Ramon Leon, who upon retirement, advised the government of Lesotho, achieved that reputation as he had sent many a black South African to the gallows, who had refused to respect racist apartheid laws. Leon senior retired to Durban.


Today, his son Tony is a retired ambassador for South Africa’s ANC-led government. Brother Peter represented the DA in the Gauteng province legislature. Peter Leon, like his father and brother, is a qualified attorney and represented, among others, the interests

of the global diamond giant, De Beers.


Tony Leon, who took over from Helen Suzman, had celebrated between 1975 and 1977 the South African Defense Force in its official magazine, “Paratus”. In those days Tony Leon called a military detention centre at Voortrekkerhoogte outside Pretoria, where torture and chemical castration were practiced, “strictly regulated and humane”.


In his articles for the apartheid defense force’s “Paratus” magazine, the former DA leader, Tony Leon, described the brutal and illegal SADF invasion of Angola “one of many splendored tasks of the army”.


Helen Zille followed Tony Leon as DA leader. She became the DA mayor of Cape Town. Later, after forming alliances with smaller political parties, she made it to DA premier of the Western Cape Province. Zille’s claim to fame is that she was a journalist for the folded ‘Rand Daily Mail’ newspaper in Johannesburg and that she reported critically on the apartheid regime then, particularly on the torture and murder of the BCM leader, Bantu Biko.


Africa’s and South Africa’s late African superstar, Brenda Fassie, would be rotating in her grave, if she would know that Zille’s DA abused her song, “Vulindlela” as a party-political song for their political rallies to fire their supporters up, while jumping up and down all over the stages, flashing a clenched fist salute, copying all former struggle movements.


Meanwhile, DA leader, Helen Zille, speaking a lot of broken Xhosa, has become South Africa’s corporate media darling.


Leon and Zille’s unprincipled and racist concoction — the Democratic Alliance (DA) — is indeed just that. Their history is based on lies.



South Africa’s Corporate Sector Can Ill Afford To Throw Stones From Its Glasshouse (Part 2)

“Ruthless, dishonest businessmen in South Africa have stolen assets of Randgold to the value of R21billion. Subsequently, others have prevented the minorities of the company from obtaining what is rightfully theirs. I cannot stand idly by and permit this to happen,” retired, former senior stockbroker at the Johannesburg Stock Exchange (JSE) and director of the mining company, Randgold, Johann Blersch, stated in his public address.

The Banks And The Mining Companies Accused Of Theft.

Blersch explained in a report published on March 13, 2007 in South Africa’s daily business newspaper, Business Day, “Randgold is the largest creditor of Johannesburg Consolidated Investments (JCI). The amounts owed by JCI to Randgold may exceed JCI’s net asset value.”

The above was executed during the time of Brett Kebble, from September 1997 to August 2007.

Under the watch of the various “controlling organs” such as the bank ombudsman, the various chambers of banks, of business, commerce and industries and mines, under the self-appointed captains of industries as well as under the department of finance under former minister Trevor Manuel and the former head of South Africa’s Reserve Bank, Tito Mboweni, billions were stolen and misappropriated.

Johann Blersch recorded, “In essence Brett Kebble stole from the one entity (Randgold) to fund the other three entities (JCI, Western Areas and himself and his family). Investec Bank received stolen Randgold Resources shares from JCI, which Investec then sold. As bankers to the Kebble Empire, Investec should have known that these shares were stolen. “

“Investec retained part of the proceeds of these shares in settlement of its loans to JCI. The balance was paid to JCI. From 1999 to 2005 Brett Kebble stole the bulk of Randgold’s portfolio and sold the shares for R1 900 million. Unchallenged forensic reports show that the initial recipients of the R1 900 million were (a) JCI R900 million; (b) Western Areas R500 million; (c) The Kebbles R400 million and (d) Investec R100 million”, Blersch reflected.

He further states, “The shares stolen from Randgold were sold for R1.9 billion. By the end of June 2010 the claim based on the Roman Dutch law against thieves, ‘condictio furtiva’, had reached R21 billion. When Barry Seargant’s book on the Kebble collusion was published, this figure had reached R26 billion and now stands at R30 billion.”

Author Barry Seargant documents Kebble’s theft in his book “The Kebble Collusion”. “It is the well-researched documentary of the world’s biggest unprosecuted fraud. In today’s terms it would amount to R30 billion. And, the cast is stellar: top financial institutions, leading bankers, a world where every other player is an attorney, a world where Brett Kebble was king.”

“It is incredible that non of the South African regulatory authorities has taken any effective action and that no prosecutions have taken place,” observes Johann Blersch.

The Assault On The Rand.

“In 2001 South Africa was hit by a financial crisis of epic proportions: the rand collapsed,” documented researcher/journalist/author, Barry Sergeant in his book “The Assault On The Rand”.

“During 2001, the rand depreciated from around R7.60 to the dollar at the beginning of the year to over R8.00 for the first time ever during the second quarter. And the pace of depreciation increased:

–       R8.52 to the dollar on 11 September;

–       R9.03 at the end of September;

–       R9.44 at the end of October;

–       R10.27 at the end of November; and

–       R13.84 on 21 December.”

“The 21 December rate was an all-time low against the dollar and the rand has never fallen to that level since”, wrote Sergeant in his book, “The Assault on the Rand.”

Sergeant commented, “For South Africa, it specifically meant that its mining exports earned more rands. Almost all commodities are quoted and traded in dollars. South Africa’s mines experienced a boom in revenue – in rand terms.”

The popular causes for the rand’s woes given by commentators in the academia, the economy and the media were then the Argentinean debt crisis; the Zimbabwean situation; the slow pace of privatisation in South Africa and the Aids pandemic in the country, the author explained.

“These issues were priced into the market on a gradual basis over a considerable period of time and are now muddying the waters when analysing the demise of the rand. However, the use of dubious financial methods undermining the value of the currency was the core of the problem.”

Barry Sergeant further published, “On 21 December 2001 DEUTSCHE BANK issued a market commentary in their bulletin titled ‘Capitulation of our rand view finally!’ Interestingly during the same period the ‘SUNDAY TIMES’ carried a headline article concerning ‘the big bang’ approach to exchange control and consequent free fall of the rand.”

“Market jitters at that stage set in and the rapid downward spiral of the rand began reaching an all-time low of R13.84 to the US dollar on 21 December 2001.”

The former CEO of the South African Chamber of Business (SACOB), Kevin Wakeford, who blew the whistle, further found out that DEUTSCHE BANK was not alone in this covert treasonous action. Other companies mentioned were Nampak, M-Cell and Billiton. DEUTSCHE BANK currently owns 7% of BHP Billiton.

All of this came out when recalled president Thabo Mbeki had appointed the Rand Commission of Inquiry under labour judge Myburgh. Kevin Wakeford had pushed Mbeki to act.

It was revealed that DEUTSCHE BANK was the common denominator during the Rand Commission’s hearings. The corporates were SASOL, M-Cell, Nampak and BHP Billiton. This scam developed under the watch of the then governor of the Reserve Bank, Tito Mboweni; the then Minister of Finance, Trevor Manuel and his wife, Maria Ramos.


The mass theft and laundering of taxpayers’ money of the mid-1970s up to 1994, also known as Information Scandal, or Infogate, under the former apartheid regime, should never be forgotten. It was estimated then that some R800 billion of taxpayers’ funds left South Africa. Besides the former structures of the Reserve Bank, many Western European banks were directly and indirectly involved. That money has been laundered so well and split into numerous trust accounts that it would not be traceable. By now it would be earning a lot of interest.

The question often raised is – would such money not also be used to fund certain covert operations, funds and foundations to mislead South Africa from outside?

During the banking crisis of the 1980s, Bankorp (ABSA) swindled some R14 billion, with the subsequent provision for it in its accounts to repay. That money has never been claimed back.

Mafia-Style Construction Cartel’s Criminal Collusion.

As if this was not enough. South Africa’s construction cartel was found guilty of ‘criminal collusion’. South Africa’s national financial daily, ‘Business Report’, published on 26 June 2013, “The collusion to rig bids and tenders for the 2010 World Cup stadium build programme was just the tip of a monstrous iceberg of fraud and deceit by construction firms including most prominent JSE-listed companies.”

COSATU publicly accused the executives of the country’s construction cartel of treason, as they abused public funds, in other words, taxpayers’ money for their own profit.

The construction industry’s decision makers held secret meetings during which it decided to inflate the price of tenders, allocating contracts among themselves, adding billions to the cost of the South African National Roads Agency’s Gauteng freeway improvements, other road schemes, the stadiums, electrical and instrumentation projects.

It came to light when the Competition Commission investigated the construction industry’s bid rigging on 300 projects valued at R47 billion. R28 billion related to public sector contracts and R19 billion had gone to private sector work, ‘Business Report’ documented. According to the Competition Commission’s report, some 15 constructions companies had agreed to penalties collectively amounting to R1.46 billion in contravention of the Competition Act.

‘Business Report’ writes further, “In terms of the 2010 World Cup stadium agreement, during, or about in 2006 Grinaker-LTA, WBHO, M&R, Group Five, Concor, Basil Read and Stefanutti Stocks met twice and reached a deal for the construction of the stadiums.”

Mafia-Style Collusion For Price-Fixing To Starve The Masses.

–       The fishing group, Oceana, admitted guilt to the Competition Commission for a long list of price-fixing. Oceana then agreed to pay a fine of R35 mill.

–       South Africa’s competition watch merely proposed to the mighty SASOL to fine the oil and gas company with 10% of its turnover for charging excessive prices for polypropylene and propylene.

–       The Competition Commission then reached a settlement agreement with SASOL, finalising the abuse aspect of a fertiliser case.

–       The Competition Commission raided the offices of South African Airways (SAA), Mango Airways and the Airlines Association of Southern Africa to investigate collusion and price-fixing.

–       SAA and SA Express denied all allegations of price-fixing around the Football World Cup in 2010.

–       The mobile phone operators, Vodacom and MTN seem to be involved in price-fixing and have been probed. The outcome as specified by the Competition Commission was that the prices for airtime and data bundles would be drastically reduced, despite both companies wailing programmes.

–       The Competition Commission further raided the offices of the exclusive cement cartel to investigate its collusion on price-fixing. A final outcome is still pending.

–       The exclusive sugar cartel in South Africa and the Southern African Development Community (SADC) seems also to be under the watch of the Competition Commission. Sugar prices in the SADC are by far higher than in most sugar producing regions.

–       Bakeries and milk producers colluded to fix prices with subsequent drastic price hikes in order to make huge profits while starving the poor.

–       The Competition Tribunal investigated Pioneer Foods, which then accepted charges of price-fixing.

–       Foodcorp paid a fine of R45 mill to the Competition Commission after it had been found guilty and accepted the verdict of price-fixing.

–       Clover and Ladysmith Cheese have been found guilty of collusion to fix prices.

The above demonstrates that many a South African private sector company’s corporate greed has no space for humanity. The poor masses have been dumped in desperate poverty and starvation. This is a crime against humanity. The fines the above corporates pay, are ridiculously low and have not achieved much. Meanwhile, the investigated reports and the admissions of guilt have not made it to the front pages and carry no sensation.

It is incredible that the Competition Commission has not been tasked with the investigation into the continuous collusion of the private sector and its devastating results.

Please don’t shine the light too bright on South Africa’s private sector … that seems the corporate media’s approach in stark contrast to its badgering of the ANC and its government.


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Zimbabweans have taken back their pride, their land and their elections

Heading the Southern African Development Community (SADC) as well as chairing the African Union (AU), South Africa’s role as facilitator and mediator in Zimbabwe is to respect the souvereign right of its northern and most important neighbour, Zimbabwe, its gateway into Africa. It is Zimbabwe that has to independently make its own decisions about its future. By now, President Jacob Zuma and his Special Advisor for African Affairs, Lindiwe Zulu, have understood that Zimbabwe will not be dictated to by outside interests and covert manipulations and their opportunistic internal minions.

The retired director-general in South Africa’s presidency under former recalled president Thabo Mbeki, Reverend Frank Chikane, documents in his latest book, “ The Things That Could Not Be Said – From A{ids} to Z{imbabwe}”, “Thabo Mbeki’s … particular form of diplomacy (in the case of Zimbabwe), incensed those who wanted to pursue the (so-called) ‘regime change’ strategy, which Mbeki refused to be pressured into. Those who pursued the ‘regime change’ agenda included major powers like Britain and the US. A multiplicity of strategies was unleashed, including various communications strategies and intelligence projects, to get the public to buy into the ‘regime change’ approach (in Zimbabwe) against the wishes of the SADC and the AU member countries.”

Well-known international journalist and observer/researcher, Prof. John Pilger, explained, “On 14 October 2012 US-President Barak Obama announced he was sending United States Special Forces troops to Uganda to join the civil war there. In the next few months, US combat troops will be sent to South Sudan, Congo and Central African Republic (CAR). They will only ‘engage’ for ‘self-defence’, says Obama, satirically. With Libya secured, an American invasion of the African continent is under way.” The US’s militarisation of the entire African continent through its programme of ‘African Command (AFRICOM)’ is another obvious case in point. Never has this continent been as militarised and as unsettled as in 2013 under Obama’s dictate, who seems to find a terrorist behind every bush in far away Africa. It has catapulted Africa’s safety and security into the abyss.

The root of Zimbabwe’s problems however, is firmly anchored in the blatant disregard of the legal, international contract, the ‘Lancaster House Agreement of 1979’, which forms the cornerstone of Zimbabwe’s independence. The United Kingdom and the United States of America were to compensate the white settlers of Zimbabwe for the land they would have to give up in the process. But, that particular clause in the Lancaster House Agreement of 1979 remains ignored.

Former British Labour Party Prime Minister, Tony Blair, is on record having misled his government and people, the international community and even the white settlers in Zimbabwe. Blair’s breach of that agreement is nothing short of an act of crime, which should be taken to the International Crimes Court (ICC) in The Hague, The Netherlands, Europe. It should be the first, unanimous move of both, the SADC and the AU as African structures, to take this criminal case against Tony Blair to the world court.

It is expected that there are agents’ provocateurs and proxies, fronting for foreign interests, who would enter any and all negotiations towards the elections in bad faith. Zimbabwe’s land is the issue that has caused much furore. It has raised the attention of African people and states alike. And, the racist right wing will stop at nothing when unleashing its destabilisation campaign on the unfortunate Zimbabwe and all other African countries that do not kowtow imperialist Western interests.

South Africa and Namibia still abide by the foreign UN Western programme of ‘willing seller, willing buyer’, while the majority of the indigenous population remains landless, without access to an endemically hostile economy. After so many years into independence without much land having been transferred, it has been proven that the ‘willing seller, willing buyer’ programme simply does not work in favour of the indigenous African majority. It rather delays the efforts to transfer land to the indigenous landless indefinitely.     

Those, preventing indigenous Africans from getting their land back and participating in the economy on their own continent should note that their tactic of structured poverty on a continent not theirs is equal to a holocaust, much larger than that Adolf Hitler, Heinrich Himmler, Joseph Goebbels and their cohorts had dealt out to the Jews during WW2.

Meanwhile, it has been widely accepted that Zimbabwe now holds the record of implementing the largest land reform in Africa, according to which “6 000 white farmers have been replaced by 245 000 black farmers”, – authors/researchers Joseph Hanlon, Jeanette Manjengwa and Teresa Smart wrote in their book, “Zimbabwe Takes Back Its Land”, published by Stylus.

The indigenisation of the mining and banking industries in Zimbabwe would obviously not be in the foreign Western interests, which seems on its way to a one-world rule.

According to the research of among others, author Joseph Hanlon and his team, Zimbabwe’s land reform is a success. They describe the agricultural development of Zimbabwe in their book, “Zimbabwe Takes Back Its Land”, “Agrarian reform is a slow process and it takes a generation for new farmers to be fully productive. A decade after Zimbabwe’s agricultural production has largely returned to the 1990s level and small-scale black farmers now produce together almost as much tobacco as the big white farmers once did.”

They add, “Land reform in Zimbabwe will not be reversed. The Global Political Agreement (GPA) includes the phrase, ‘accepting the irreversibility of said land acquisitions and redistribution’, and two million new occupants would not allow any changes now.” Indeed, it would provoke a guerrilla war of historic note, if the land were to be taken back.

Meanwhile, Zimbabwe’s all-white Commercial Farmer’s Union (CFU) published in the local media in April this year, that it has “given up opposing the land reform, as it could not keep on swimming against the current”. This published article was signed by CFU vice president, Peter Steyl. He concluded, “We have finally realised that the land reform is irreversible. This is a change of heart.”

Like South Africa’s ANC- and country president Jacob Zuma and his ruling party remain in the focus of political snipers, so do Zimbabwe’s ZANU-PF and country president Robert Mugabe. South Africa too is being threatened with a treasonous ‘Arab Spring’. Hence, the media would only report anything and everything negative about Mugabe.

President Robert Mugabe is clear – Zimbabwe will never return to Rhodesia. Mugabe and ZANU-PF will win the next elections starting on 31 July 2013. He and his leadership delivered education, land and full economic participation at great cost. Indigenous Zimbabweans are well qualified, resilient and industrious. The SADC and the AU hold Mugabe in high esteem. Zimbabwe, Namibia and South Africa’s indigenous majority respect President Mugabe and hail him as a visionary. In fact, most African countries revere Mugabe as one of Africa’s greatest leaders.

On the other hand however, Prime Minister Morgan Tsvangirai and his MDC-T could not deliver, even having tried for a while to have the sanctions against their country lifted. They had called for those sanctions – but could not succeed in having them lifted, when tasked to do so. UK, US and EU interests explained in their diplomatic cables as reflected in Wikipedia, “Prime Minister Tsvangirai would need much guidance.” He does not seem to instil much confidence in the electorate, or his backers.

(Udo W. Froese was born in the third generation of German colonial settler background in Namibia.)

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